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Wednesday, July 01, 2015

Independent candidacies A Pandora's Box?

Independent candidacies A Pandora's Box?

By Diego Velázquez

The crisis of political parties is profoundly affecting the Mexican political system. The priato is regenerated in the absence of professional members on the left and right, and although it is true that the PRI is no longer the dominant party, the course of peñanietista government indicates that there is no crisis of governance that was supposed before July 7.

The domesticated left and right collaborative inhibited any risk to the machinery of PRI control. Neither the PRD and the PAN have interrupted the course of one's actions of economic modernization in the country. On the contrary, they have been welcomed repression, persecution and disappearance of social movements that express their opposition to the current government. It has become so political subordination of these institutes to peñanietismo that, though not civil war that lives inside by 2018, the PRI has had the luxury of restoring the secret game of succession; that is, the opposition party has become harmless.

The confrontations that have generated repositioning and corrections in the federal government come from the challenges they throw citizens and social movements. This is the reason that those who seek to positively change the Mexican government, have opted for independent candidates. And they were right!

While citizen candidacies risked not the monopoly of representation they have parties, they win some independent characters such symbolic power represented appalled the inner circles and oligarchies of the powers; they are the true owners of party institutes. The fact also gained resonance in the middle classes and other groups. If anyone wondered how Mexico assimilate the experience of the Spanish indignados or the Arab spring, maybe I should start tracking the phenomenon of independent candidates.

It is true that not all candidates of this type have the ideal characteristics; however, they showed competent, creative and inspiring leadership, quite different from the traditional and nauseating militant boring candidate or campaign conducted external characters.

In the late twentieth century, the depletion model PRI party was evident. A few years later, the left and right have reached very high levels of decomposition. They imported many defectors from the ruling party that, at last, pirates became copies thereof. Pragmatism led opposition that now govern PRI of all political parties.

The three major parties, and their satellites, have generated partitocracy hijacking the country. Can you do something to regenerate the party institutes? It is not possible, the time ran out. PVEM conduct shows insensitivity and cynicism of the political class.

Faced with this situation, independent candidates are beneficial to accelerate the consolidation of democracy in Mexico. In the coming years will be heard proposals for those who have no partisan or ideological yoke. Candidates are citizens railway radical democracy and his speech will be a powerful parties to redefine their election platforms mechanism. Mexico approaches in our time of Fujimori, Perot or Chavez, perhaps the most extravagant policy proposals; but also of the public demand to end the corrupt and oligarchic politics.

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Thursday, June 18, 2015

Rafael Moreno Valle and the Intransigent Catholicism

Rafael Moreno Valle and the Intransigent Catholicism
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
Rafael Moreno Valle ant the intransigent catholicism

The election results in Puebla and other states seem to point to the PAN as distant from their initial expectations of victory. Factionalism that kept the PAN, in this election, led to the involvement of morenovallismo at local and national level. In adittion to Calderonismo, the main PAN trend opposed to the interests of Puebla governor was the intransigent Catholicism. The dispute between the morenovallismo and Mexican extreme right should put us, at least in Puebla, in the true meaning of the struggle between liberals and conservatives.

On May 5, 1862 is not just material for neuromarketing, tourism infrastructure and cinematography. Above all, it is a device that joins republic, nation and perhaps democracy in national history. The morenovallismo probably now understands that the national history is shaped not only by the lies of teachers. The right-wing harangue repression against the teachers because he wants to cancel this narrative that exposes its medieval, misogynist, xenophobic and anti-modern origin.

When performing a basic tour of the highlights of the struggle between liberals and conservatives in the national history, events such as the execution of Maximilian of Hapsburg and Miguel Agustin Pro, bitter and yet necessary for the consolidation of Mexico will appear. Conspiracies against the state and its institutions have come from the Catholic clerical bureaucracy, they demanded the vision statesman Benito Juarez and Plutarco Elias Calles. It is a real tragedy the lack of this perspective at present.

1942 geopolitical circumstances forced the radical right and religious right and initiate a collaborating to co-govern the country. While there have been more than 60 years of this mutual support, it is during the Salinas when the Mexican political system collapses political thought of intransigent Catholicism. The constitucional change (art. 130) exalted Catholic nationalism that eventually reach the zenith of power in 2000.

Rafael Moreno Valle has felt firsthand what it means to confront the Mexican far right. At the local level it has a well-earned dislike anti-social policies and authoritarian personality. But nothing is as important as the offensive launched against the intransigent Catholicism whole legions whose members are given the peculiar form of organization and recruitment. Morenovallismo failures have logic and explanation when compared to the plots of the Cristeros.

The Catholic nationalism has continued to pursue a conservative modern style of the Pinochet Chile or Franco's Spain. They did not lose control of the political system with the departure of Felipe Calderon Hinojosa, there was simply no better political representative of intransigent Catholicism that Enrique Peña Nieto, even integrated the powerful Atlacomulco Group. This reality is what has not understood the morenovallista technocracy given the large number of Catholic conservatives characters that are only apparently supporting the Puebla governor.

Faced with the disappearance of political and Sebastian Lerdo de Tejada, not many PRI political ideals to the power of intransigent Catholicism. Hence the options to encourage Margarita Zavala and Ricardo Anaya, both representatives of the religious right but no influence on the radical right.  The Morenovallismo confrontation with the extreme right terrifies the latter for the rise of López Obrador; however there are also strong links between social Catholicism and the progressive left. The anti outdated and fear of loss of privileges preclude any support from the religious right to AMLO. The morenovallismo is facing the dilemma of exorcising the terrible influence of the far right in the PAN or postpeñanietista become the 2018 version.

Cleavage of the radical right and religious right would lead to a positive currency for the country. A true civilization where market liberalism, freedom, citizenship status and could find their optimum. The oxymoron that represents the unity of these rights, and the other, only option left as the country's future choice between the philanthropic ogre, friendly monster and anarchy.

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