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Tuesday, April 26, 2016

The modernization paradigm of Rafael Moreno Valle. Putin or Salinas?

The modernization paradigm of Rafael Moreno Valle. Putin or Salinas?
By Diego Velazquez

Federal elections last year in Puebla were considered a referendum on the state government. Contrary to what was expected, given the results, there was a change of course in public administration morenovallista and inspiration for the first national judiciary it remains at the head of the local executive. The elections for the minigubernatura tested this process and again, voters will accept or reject support personal style of governing that arrived in Puebla in 2010. However there is little incentive for the political struggle, the value of time not it is less to think if the entity was a historical rupture, a transitional regime change.

The morenovallistas political yearnings are linked to a modernization project that aims to alter forever Puebla. Public policies developed in this six years have catalysed government administration, federalism, economic structures, social movements, territory, natural resources and regional landscape. The infrastructure and mobility in major cities of the entity with adjectives Smart and Charter, megaprojects, the model Audi city, administrative centralization and integrators and integrated service centers are characteristic, more or less fundamental, of post-liberal government Puebla. Upstream, it still can not define the type of currency you want to drive in the state. We have had in Mexico different modernizing experiences that left their mark and served as an element of imitation in the local: the juarismo, the porfirismo, the callismo, Cardenismo and salinismo. The latest model is the path that most root in the country and even inserted the country into a civilizational conflict that has not been defined yet. What is the modernization that uses morenovallismo?

Puebla has had different modernization options: the avilacamachismo, the bartlismo and morenovallismo. The first are part of a vision of state capitalism that removed and erected chiefdoms and local empowerments. The last, still unclear.

Morenovallista modernization that is authoritarian, nor doubt. But what is their model, which is based stereotype to boost their public and dynamics of government policies. Moreno Valley has made a model of authoritarian modernization that while, at first maintained connections with the past to the point considered an neoavilacamachismo, the fact is that there are significant differences on social and political relations that are being generated. The morenovallismo has been linked to political and external economic groups to implement your project, you lack observe the consequences in the long term.

For the English philosopher John Gray nobody can escape from modernity, there is now a post-capitalist globalization of technology covering everything. Only, this expansion also generates identity restatements or cultural conflicts. What really is in crisis, beyond modernity, is faith in Enlightenment thought. Puebla which is modernizing rapidly due to megaprojects and centralizing policies have imagined, it also presents a huge crisis of Enlightenment thought. If the exhaustion of neoliberalism and how geopolitics is ongoing understood, Puebla follows guidelines of the postcapitalist forms If modernization is no longer accompanied by the Enlightenment and is valid postpone democracy, pluralism, freedom, equality and Justice; it is logical to see the resurgence of authoritarian Kemalists practices or modernizations of China, Russia, North Korea, Turkey and Iran can become as examples. A approximates those experiences what is happening in the country and in the state.

One case worth mentioning is the leadership shown by Vladimir Putin for more than a decade in Russia. The ailing post-Soviet country trying to faithfully follow the Western recommendations aside democratic and neoliberal obstinamiento for the consolidation of a new state, a new economy and a new regime. Russia is, again, an energy and nuclear superpower thanks to the authoritarian modernization of a leader who renewed the political, social and economic structures under a centralization inspired espionage, responsibility, nationalism, control of business, destruction the nomenklatura, an implacable justice and craves of historical significance. Vladimir Putin is elected Russia. The political party that represents it is a pragmatic alliance polipartidista including links with different sectors and a common program of action. The continuity of the project is not at risk because historical rupture is evident, there is no room for remora the old regime. Putin Russia has shielded against disaster.

Mexican modernity, as mentioned earlier, is salinista, axolotesca mousetrap. Arturo Rueda recalled that Puebla, and Mexico, lives a difficult step in that transition. CSG remember to hell the reasons for their failure, camachista vision of change without rupture. Salinas failed because it did not eliminate the PRI nomenklatura who then accused of the murder of Luis Donaldo Colosio, not controlled drug crime and corruption; On the contrary, privatization and destruction of the welfare state resulted in the enrichment of the salinista clique and sybaritic technocrat club after disowned him.

Between Putin and Salinas, the project morenovallista increasingly looks more like the latter and the successor candidate behaves like Colosio and Zedillo (also a militant PRI). The main problem of authoritarian modernity in Puebla is meaningless. The marinista and melquiadista nomenklatura enjoys full security and is inserted capriciously in government. Social indicators in Puebla are frightening. The level of impunity, corruption and femicide; alarming. Inefficiency and privilege of officials; demeaning. The stellar six-year project called City or City Audi Model focuses its benefits to Tlaxcala. Megaprojects were unable to generate an environmental governance and, on the other hand, generated an implosion of social movements that have unified the EZLN in 1994, as a large part of society against modernization. The only control is impossible police against a criminal police and prosecutorial agencies accomplices. Puebla is modern like Veracruz.

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Sunday, March 13, 2016

¿Anti-Defamation League of Mexico or Mexican Committee Proinvasión?
By Diego Velázquez

The theme of Hispanidad has been recurrent and of singular importance in the political agenda of the campaigns for the presidency of the United States. Donald Trump has lambasted Mexico from issues such as migration, drug trafficking, corruption and even war. His proposal to implement a border wall and the expulsion of Mexicans has shocked public opinion in both countries in the same proportion that increases the popularity of his presidential candidacy in the Republican Party.

Noam Chomsky has said that characters like Donald Trump arise when there is a decline and crisis, depression and social anomie, situations that persist in American society for decades. The end of the Cold War meant the end not only of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) but also the exhaustion of American leadership as a capitalist liberal democratic republic.

Since late last century, Samuel Huntington had expressed so now so vehemently supports the Tea Party GOP. The United States have an identity crisis that will affect all the West and most of humanity relies on the project of Modernity if he continues his march toward the cliff. Economic, intellectual, social, sports, family, moral and military capabilities of the United States has an unprecedented decline. The shock wave that caused collapse of the USSR also severely affected the United States.

Huntington believed that modernization exploited by other nations had generated an empowerment of non-Western societies begin to challenge the hegemony in the new multipolar world that presented itself. This has happened. The central states of non-Western civilizations took the modernizers elements to become serious competitors of American geopolitics. Huntington also considered that Mexican immigration, Hispanic challenge, posed a risk to reverse the Anglo decline. It's what Donald Trump has repeated strenuous way. What at one time it was a similar financial support for black slavery in centuries XVIII and XIX has now become an epidemic where the Latin invasion of North America is one of the strongest costs for the United States resurgence as a power. Some of the data contributed to understanding Huntington non-assimilation of Mexican immigrants have to do with the culture of poverty which is the main reason for Donald Trump to criticize Mexico:

The culture of illegality and informality
The violent attitude
The racism
The slothful and contemplative spirit

Huntington is afraid that Americans are guadalupanos. This goes beyond tacos and preference for bright colors. Not that the Mexicans are more dangerous than Al-Qaeda or Daesh simply the Mexican Republic is a monument to social anomie. So far that drug traffickers trying to use terrorism as technology begins to consider them dangerous. However, nothing worth taking seriously. Even though there are links between Muslim terrorists and Mexican drug traffickers, there is more risk for Islamic militants for Americans.

Widespread corruption, impunity and lack of education of a people as the Mexican has generated the rule of informality phenomenon means with euphemisms like World of Life, Social Capital, Folklore, Culture, Mexicanidad; but whose characteristic constitutes a huge risk to the western and modern thought. To tell Huntington, anti-Western civilizations redefine the Anglo-Saxon identity, including reaffirmed. However, the Mexican-Latin American is an enigma that confuses and upsets. Mexicanidad is the most hedonistic way for desmodernidad and civilizational schizophrenia. The decline of Western civilization can be accelerated if the hispanización of America continues.

Donald Trump is undoubtedly the best censor who has had the political project of PRIANRD. It is not wrong. Political and economic elites of Mexico have been conducted with a breathtaking irresponsibility and cynicism. What otherwise would behave Mexican migrants in the United States if they are the scum of capitalism friends? Our society continues to appreciate them how much they remember and the money they send. However, they played the patrimonialista and kiriárquica culture because they are only scheduled for that.

Claudio Lomnitz has proposed the formation of a Mexican Anti-Defamation League as have members of the Jewish community in several countries. However, the proposal is not equal. An immoral joke claims that Adolf Hitler killed millions of Jews because he did not know the Mexicans. And sometimes, the immorality of the claim becomes ironic, almost a bitter truth. Samuel Huntington compares Cuban immigration with Mexican tacitly says that ideally transform hispanización model "Los Angeles" by the model "Miami". The difference between Cubans and Mexicans is that the Cubans break with their country and political and social regime, achieve respectable levels of education and assimilate into American society. Mexicans, however, although his government expelled due to misery and patrimonialismo that produces kiriárquica domination, have a deep masochistic or estocólmico complex. It is very Mexican love who hurts us. Kiriárquicamente, who sodomized we worship. In Huntington's perspective, if Mexicans try to assimilate into Western modernity, they would have to do what the Cubans in Miami. Rather than create an Anti-Defamation League would be necessary to create a Proinvasión Committee of Mexico. Hold demonstrations and claims to force change to corrupt national government. The historic Cuban leader Jorge Mas Canosa is incomparable to any criticism that the "eminent" Mexicans (comedians and actors) in the United States can make to our country.

Lately, prigobierno advocates have established a comparison between Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador and Donald Trump. Characters like Trump are more important when it is observed that some of his invectives are real and sensible about what should be done in Mexico. His Mexican critics have created the stereotype of the "Messiah Trumpical"; however, they forget the differences between American and Mexican society. The Americans can not be manipulated with a black campaign like 2006 or are going to temper the resentment against Mexico only because in our country the "decent people" respectfully listened to Jorge Mario Bergoglio. The PRI refers nationalistic jingoism measures that tackle the grievance to the Motherland How serious is a break with the United States? For those who yearn for modernity in Mexico, the fact is mortal. It involves the cancellation of democracy, secularism, capitalism, equality, freedom and justice. But for those who want to return to Mexico to colonial times there is no better situation. They could turn the country into a big ranch full of narcocaciques and palenques where life is a permanent fair.

¿Donald Trump and AMLO are right in most of his ideas about Mexico? Claudio Lomnitz has been a student of Mexican Judeophobia and its persistence in the political, economic and social imaginary of the ruling class. What sense has an Anti-Defamation League as corrupt and authoritarian regime impoverishing as having Mexico? If this is true, we should think-then in the right of the Nazis, Muslim extremists, the Chinese Maoists, Stalinists and the KKK to not lose their dignity. Mexican migrants in the United States only have the ability to play the PRI culture. In different anthropological and sociological studies it evidenced that tiny economic empowerment and increase serves to return to their home communities or regions to become the new chief. In Puebla, for example, the PRI government of Mario Marín was held at its worst by the emigrant community in New York, Chicago, California and Texas. This can only be understood once the texts are read Oscar Lewis. Mexicans are the sons of bitches, Sanchez and Pedro Paramo. We can not behave otherwise because it is not yet in our nature.

Donald Trump is not only an anti-Mexican candidate, it is also an anti-establishment candidate. It is laudable in his speech the recognition that the US government has been doting and responsible for the Mexican situation. Electoral fraud, the scandalous corruption, drug trafficking, impoverishment and violence, are explained by the US counterpart. The situation, however, has reached a very dangerous moment. The PRI culture, mexicanidad, is contagious. If the Spanish model "Los Angeles" is widespread in the United States, the Anglo-Saxon and Western decadence is assured. Only assholes, marijuana smokers and poor can believe that the PRI will change the situation in Mexico. This is schizophrenic if we govern PRI members of all political parties. Donald Trump for the United States must contain the Hispanic emigration because if you do not, every time it is more like Mexico. It is more dangerous to America to learn the culture kiriárquica narcocaciquil the risk of Arab fundamentalism, aggressive Russian or Chinese dumping.

Although the regime of the Cuban revolution has developed significant changes in the social structure of the Caribbean island, Cuban immigrants in Miami have always insisted the military invasion of their nation. It is another model of hispanización and modernity which arises from this experience. Would it be logical that Cubans in Miami defend Fidel Castro? What is the sense of defending a system like Mexico? Would not it be more reasonable that Mexican migrants to call for an invasion of the republic and the destruction of a government that impoverishes and prostitutes, kill mercilessly youth, university students and women, negotiates the blood of the proletariat with a cheater and incompetent industry which it is saturated in a narco corruption and only legitimizes the unpresentable cassock Catholic pederast?

Donald Trump is not like Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador. Trump is the Vicente Fox took the PRI Dinosaur in 2000 and can do it right now. Hopefully Trump President Fox not as president. Mexican regime does not like to describe it. Mexico remains Canoa, a Castle of Purity, a Church of Silence where it is forbidden to think and criticize. So when bizarre characters like Fox or Trump speak and tell the truth, they become unbearable. The institutional defense that has made Mexico is as ridiculous as that of Francisco Labastida in that memorable debate.

Mexican debt with modernity is a burden that will continue to pay a very high level and middle-class university in the country. The inability of the government and the main political parties to restore the failed Mexican democracy urge to take things seriously. Donald Trump only in geopolitics raises what is known, at least two decades. If Mexico and Latin America do not mature as a state and citizens, if they persist in not accepting Western civilization of which they are bastard children, the risk is to become the new enemy of the West, to be failed states that far from not care to no, it is necessary to isolate or remove to prevent infection. Rather than repudiating Donald Trump for his criticism toward Mexicans, it is necessary to applaud him and Samuel Huntington's approach changes the culture and public policy agenda in Mexico need. Also, if America agrees to the idiots republics or caciquiles kiriárquicas just because they are not communists, then, to assume the decay and disease that causes their coexistence.

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Monday, February 15, 2016

The Mexican Kyriarchy

By Diego Velázquez Columnas15 February, 2016
The Mexican Kyriarchy

The concept used as the title of this column belongs to feminist political theory that describes the cross and multiplicative poliestructural capitalist patriarchy. Our country is constituted as a social system that multiplies oppression, domination and subordination violation at all. It is pertinent to observe the enigma of modern despotism that remains the true dinosaur Mexico and the main drag on the democratic modernization.

Beyond a focus on individuals, genders or constructs, the kiriarcado is a network of structural meanings where it is generated and plays a culture: the abuse. Notions like Mafia, Drug Cartel Country or Supplanted State, are spliced ​​to the above neologism and help to understand a routine character which inhibits the emergence of democracy and citizenship in countries like ours.

The visit of Mario Bergoglio has confirmed once again the failure of modern institutions and the triumph of the factual and invisible powers. The Holy See is the ambassador of Kyriarchy and terrorist fundamentalism that involves comprehensive intransigent Catholicism. Its products: extreme violence, corruption, drug trafficking, prostitution and worship of economic power. Is there any difference between ISIS and the Vatican?

A legend relates that the Cristero War Gen. Plutarco Elias Calles said. "If Mexico had democracy, the president would cassock." And, as a modus vivendi, the political class seeks to legitimize through agreements with the Catholic Church. Concordats and simony produced allow deinstitutionalization and the government of prevaricating informality. One might think that religious alienation prevents society react to combat this kind of domination; however, the people adopt the culture and played in their immediate environment. In opposition to the idea of ​​having César Cansino mexicanidad must demonstrate that the country is exceptionally corrupt, aggressive, murderer, rapist and criminal. The PRI culture is nothing but national culture where even a Augustine Basave aware of schizophrenia involving a Torn Country, modernization Failed ends succumbed to the gold calf. The kiriarcado no place for love, respect, peace, freedom and equality. A society fucking shit country deserves.

Clearly, the Mexican president wears a cassock. The image receiving the presidential couple makes Mario Bergoglio feeds this subjectivity not only because the Chief Executive have studied in one of the universities representative of the Mexican far right, but because the overlap between the clothing of the First Lady and the Bishop Rome forced to rethink the kiriarcado.

Feminist debates suggest that the gender perspective is beyond equality. If there is no point deconstruction of equity. One can not speak of liberation if modern women are men in skirts and women with mustaches. The break protocol which is manifested as a constant in the behavior of Angelica Rivera is an exclamation point for a type of feminism whose conviction is impostarse a phallus that allows them to defend themselves. Martha Sahagun or Carmen Romano also staged a historical influence. In both cases, despite the power that the people involved, none did anything to change the kiriarcado; rather they reproduced it in a larger dimension. It has happened something similar with different political persuasions, all parties have ruled under the aegis of PRI culture.

In a review that Victor Reynoso does the last book of Francis Fukuyama says the risk from not institutionalized country like Mexico. More than terrorism, the risk to global security are Failed States by the riots, rebellions, disease, corruption and migrations that may arise. This phenomenon is being felt in Europe and the United States. Xenophobic ideas of political parties in those countries are not beliefs or free animosities. Donald Trump may seem comical, but the political realism of Samuel Huntington and George Friedman should encourage Mexico to be taken more seriously as a state and Mexican citizens.

Ricardo Aleman quipped about the miracles that the Holy See began to be generated by the electoral redituabilidad its proximity implies. The left and the PRI legal liberalism have given to the simulation of modus vivendi with the Holy See and this greatly endangers the achievements of liberalism on human rights and the same legal order. Corruption of the secular state is nothing but the absence of the rule of law. Government, law and order can not be subjected to miracles. Although Mario Bergoglio boost, at full strength, consistency of the Gospel and the way of life, their admirable effort just shines through the futility of missionary ethics. The low resonance that your message has been within the Catholic Church itself to understanding what will happen in Mexico. Nothing. It is more likely to worsen the situation. In the Mexican film "Un Embrujo" There is a resemblance to the situation when the Gral. Lazaro Cardenas visit to the stevedores in the ports of the Caribbean and orders the best working conditions. When workers demand that the instructions of the President, a few days later, politicians cynically responds Cardenas has gone and nothing will change are met. The hierarchy of the Catholic Church in Mexico, as politicians, can simulate grief for the messages of the Pope, when he goes as has happened forever going to do nothing. They are connoisseurs of power, money and corruption. The Narcocaciquil Kyriarchy will not disappear with rosary beds.

Ungovernability that are generating the powers in Mexico needs to safeguard national security from abroad. It has started in Spain historical revisionism of its democratic transition given the finite nature has shown the party system. Critics arise against the characters who led the Moncloa Pact and took over at the time when the judges no longer existed and was necessary maturity and relevance. Critics question regarding the transitional arrangements Franco with the moderate socialists to turn the Iberian nation in a block to stop the geopolitics of communism. Hence moderation and relevance of Spanish politics lead to republishing a canovismo who disguised democracy a long period and allowed the country's economic growth as well as a subtle modernization. Critics say the Spanish transition to the currency were four military bases in North America as well as the persecution of communists and separatists. The romantic vision of the political process of democratic change that shaped the Spanish transition as a paradigm to support the pacts, theories of forgiveness and conservative behavior is severely damaged. Spanish democracy is the product of a military agreement between Francisco Franco and the United States.

Despite the negative view we have about it, it would be worthwhile to grant benefits to a similar process in latitudes like ours. It is indisputable geopolitical importance of a country like Mexico to the United States. Interventionism and constant surveillance in various stages of national history, prove that the Mexican condition may scare at any time by US giant. The risk posed by Communism and terrorism can be translated now that means the narco-state.

Maybe it's time to openly admit. O Mexico is set to develop atomic bombs and covenant with Muslims or North Korea-which sounds more ridiculous than impossible or open spaces are the Americans that, anyway, and taken. The first major US military base is the Navy of Mexico.

It is questionable to think that the US military bases in Spain were the mainstay of the transition; however, something they must have served. Colombia is the country with the largest number of American military bases and things have not improved. While it is recognizing that the deterioration has stopped. If the Mexican route follows paths Failed States, no American or Mexican effort to stop the carnage. While Donald Trump won the first American judiciary and strengthen the border fence, the proximity of a violent and problematic neighbor is a real risk to the national security of America. Military bases enable more timely drug regulation, money laundering, trafficking in women, the export of cheap labor, caring for minerals and natural resources. And above all, the actual control of the political and religious establishment of Mexico. Something that the Mexicans themselves find it impossible.

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Sunday, February 14, 2016

End of Alliance? End of the Turncoat?

End of Alliance? End of the Turncoat?
By Diego Velázquez
January 27, 2016

Much of the political persuasions of Mexico, at the local level, involved the combination of two factors: transfuguismo and multiparty pragmatic alliances. The results of these experiences were disastrous. Alternating not mean political transition and, on the other hand, an increase in authoritarianism, corruption, government institutionalization, poverty and decline in political culture was generated. When the governor of Puebla says "history teaches us that when public outrage becomes political platform, the results are catastrophic"; he is right, the administration is headed by the strongest evidence. Cohabits in marinista mud, pact with chiefs of all colors and crafts, no previous corrupt administrations in jail, no transparency and certainty in the economic, political and social data. Puebla is one of the most buoyant autocracies remember the last days of modern Mexico. Change for change, Fox despite Fox, support only to get out the PRI, are expressions that show the high cost of supporting and voting for candidates who had a heart PRI different color shirt nonetheless. Without much away, the situation in Chiapas, Zacatecas, Guerrero, Michoacan and Tlaxcala, with a better position-, keep a singular parallelism.

The pragmatic learning that was generated in the PAN and PRD, has led them to lose identity, capacity for change and dynamism. Increasingly resemble more the PRI and recycling while militants continue this political institute wholesale, the road will not have different points of arrival.

Lately, however, different political persuasions based on this model have suffered attacks by both the criticism of citizenship as grievances and disagreements that alliance policy institutes own store and not allow them to successfully complete their marriage. Nuevo Leon is now the model that is presented as an option to the discrediting of the political class, parties and government. Are independent candidates a serious alternative? It does not seem. Doubt persists when few characters of civil society or social movements involved in the autonomous aspirations. It has not been screened, this innovative channel of political participation, the pragmatists and corrupt as ever, the wolves in sheep's clothing, beyond come from the PRI, may intervene under the guidance of the darkest secret interests that may to imagine. Few independent candidates that correspond to the feelings and desires of society tired of corrupt parties and despotic rulers, annoyed by what they do PRI of all political institutes.

It should be considered positive the fact that the traditional parties are exhausted the alliance stereotype. This will force them to rethink their identity, action program and militancy. Political pragmatism has high costs, and even if policy resembles the art of making sausage, the elites of the PAN and the PRD beyond the grotesque, Franz von Papen when he tried to justify his support for Adolf Hitler. The PRI virus has spread significantly in most of the parties; however, the period of discrepancies and gaps that warns, becomes an opportunity for political parties to return to differentiate the PRI.

In the short term it is likely that the PRI retain and expand their political power at the state and regional level. It represents the cost of the Alliance monsters. However, so is the need to return to the origin of the parties and seriously renew. Political parties are public interest entities in Mexico and affect the nation's future health. It will be a long time before allowing confront the mafia republic; but it is better to keep changing the color and make corruption the main institution of Mexicans.

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Saturday, December 05, 2015

Margarita Zavala and the conspiracy of Eva

Margarita Zavala and the conspiracy of Eva
By Diego Velázquez

A few weeks ago Ricardo Anaya confronted Lopez Obrador when he equated the political project of Margarita Zavala with the president Felipe Calderon. The accusation of misogyny and machismo that National Action launched against the leader of Morena had an effect on public opinion and it shows that the scarecrow strategy works.

AMLO machismo is not the reason for the debate. There is no doubt about the great difficulties that mexican women have to overcome daily to survive. We are one of the countries most at risk for the female gender. Significantly, however, are the main representatives of intransigent Catholic conservative who complete surprise at the discrimination allegedly ago Andres Manuel.

Although the strategy has been effective to position Zavala, the situation has gone unnoticed by those who represent the Mexican critical feminism. Certainly, Morena has lacked the political proposals to synchronize the country with gender perspectives that correspond to the liberal democratic world. But ignore the importance Margarita Zavala PAN presidential candidate is something that can not go unnoticed. Felipe Calderon's wife was the third contender for the presidential candidacy of National Action. Josefina Vazquez Mota accomplished that task in the last election and was Martha Sahagun who could not realize their project. Will Zavala success in 2018? In truth there is a difference between the political project of Zavala and Calderon?

The failed Mexican democracy requires greater participation and if Margarita Zavala obtained PAN presidential candidate, the fact is already a success in itself; the rest depends on the voters.

Unfortunately, Margarita Zavala has failed to establish what their political project and has never indicated any difference with the government of her husband Felipe Calderon Hinojosa. On the contrary, it has always expressed the full support and consideration of that style of government continues. The second PAN administration was one of the worst presidential administrations in the history of Mexico. The mood of confrontation and dirty war used during his campaign made unprecedented damage to the political culture of the country. Roger Bartra (2009) notes that the division of the country almost leads to civil war. It addition to this, the destruction of the institutions that the Federal Electoral Institute had, caused the bureaucratic effort and citizen gestated at least for a decade, is out in the trash. The 2006 elections had been canceled, saying Jose Antonio Crespo (2008), to restore the life and social values of the country. For the liberalist intellectual controversial Cesar Cansino (2012), PAN simply left the country in ruins.

The bloodlust and violence that characterized the federal government of that time can not be repeated. Some think that to maintain governance and growth in Mexico, it is necessary to kill half the population. Is idea can be tolerated; but allow it, is another thing. National Action is responsible for destroying the political intelligence apparatus and confront the Mexican army against its own people. The betrayal that the extreme right and President Calderon made against Gral. Thomas Angeles, demonstrates the validity of the pact between the National Catholic Party and Victoriano Huerta.

Ricardo Anaya and Yunque play the script just looking black 2006 campaign to find reasons for their existence. They want that scenario to show their xenophobia, filonazismo, intolerance and homophobia, as do the Catholic nationalists of Venezuela and Argentina that, lately, we illustrate the intemperate ability they possess. It seems that Vladimir Ledochowski is his true image consultant.

Ricardo Anaya tries to revive the spirit of polarization of that time without thinking of the consequences. His bellicose spirit proves to be a good reader Salvador Borrego, who can not control civil conflagration. Lopez Obrador becomes your ideal target because Anaya political science lacks the minimum ability to understand that when Carlos Salinas de Gortari changed Article 130 of the Constitution a concordat which has produced a confessional state where the conservative coalition representing policy has been implemented major benefits. Probably he was a child when it happened; but is childish at this point has not been aware of the fact Does he know who the Cardinal Juan Jesus Posadas?

The XVIII National Assembly of PAN hinted a party without ideas. Back to calderonismo sample is regressive and reactionary attitude that starts again campear in their leaders. The recent intervention in the PAN Felipe Calderon, shows that in this political institution no awareness of perspective but recoil.

There are more important problems for the country that Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador. His proposal has no place in the Mexican political spectrum for the simple reason geopolitics. Morena to reach the presidency of the republic the wall of Donald Trump should already exist; or, a tectonic fault that will place the country on the Pacific end.

Margarita Zavala represents calderonismo as it has never expressed any disagreement with it. But even worse, also it represents those conspiratorial structures of the Mexican far right that, since the days of the "U" have organized structures numerary, supernumerary operatives and to sustain the power of the Black International in Mexico. Maria Concepcion Acevedo and Llata evident in its historical records, the way the far right recruited women to safeguard the interests of the oligarchies and bureaucracies Catholic and to commit terrorist acts against the Mexican State. Rodolfo Montes (2011), on the other hand, evidence upgrading reserved and secret societies in the theology of prosperity neopentecostal. The involvement of the presidential couple with the religious organization "House on the Rock" left a toll of creating religious parties like the Humanist and Social Hope, in addition to significant damage to the national budget to finance these movements. Zavala and Calderon want to renew the PAN in the best style of the South American Catholic nationalism (MIRA, ALAS, FASTA, FONAPO, etc.).

Mexican far right is confronted with Lopez Obrador to polarize the country regardless of the consequences that this will have, and the sacrifice of men and women to occupy. Mario Bergoglio's visit to Mexico will ultimately empower these organizations that now coexist with the Atlacomulco Group and technocrats. Lose the whole society, the middle class and precariato that increasingly are the total dispossession by an economic model and abusive state law.

Felipe Calderon Hinojosa is the real danger to Mexico Margarita Zavala requires differentiated and distinguished from it to build its own alternative. Felipe Calderon has become, in literary words of García Márquez, in a perfect husband for Margarita. There is hope, however, that the numeraries and supernumeraries operatives who are in the Joan of Arc Navy encourage independence. Margarita Acevedo and Maria Concepcion Llata and as Josefina Vazquez Mota and Marta Sahagun, will be used for the sacred masculine domain.

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Wednesday, December 02, 2015

Moreno Valle, contra toda oposición

Moreno Valle, contra toda oposición

Foto: Marlene Martínez
Foto: Marlene Martínez

Aranzazú Ayala Martínez
Juan Carlos Flores Solís estaba afuera del edificio de la Comisión Estatal de Derechos Humanos de Puebla el 7 de abril de 2014. Acababa de interponer una queja por la detención, un día antes, de la señora Enedina Rosas Vélez, comisaria ejidal de San Felipe Xonacayucan, en Atlixco, quien como él se oponía al paso del Gasoducto Morelos por zona de alto riesgo volcánico. Ya en la calle, Juan Carlos fue detenido por 12 hombres vestidos de civil que viajaban en cuatro automóviles sin placas, y llevado a la Procuraduría General de Justicia.
Al gobernador Rafael Moreno Valle no le importó ir contra una señora mayor de 60 años, y mucho menos contra un activista con voz a nivel nacional, tampoco revelarlo a plena luz, justo en la puerta del organismo poblano que se supone debería defender los Derechos Humanos.
Ante la pregunta de si hay alguien con quien Moreno Valle no se meta, el politólogo y analista de la Universidad Iberoamericana Puebla, Juan Luis Hernández, no duda y afirma que, a la fecha, no se aprecia algún actor que esté haciendo oposición al gobierno y que no haya sido tocado, quienes se han atrevido se enfrentan al aparato represor del gobernante.
En palabras de Hernández, la represión local es generalizada y se aplica tanto a los grupos antiguos como a los movimientos sociales nuevos, que critican medidas y políticas “no consensuadas” impuestas a costa de lo que sea. Y esto abarca a cualquier tipo de oposición, ya sea ciudadana, partidaria o legislativa.
Diego Velázquez, politólogo y académico de la Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla (Buap) coincide con Hernández en que el gobernador no está reprimiendo específicamente a algún grupo; es decir que no hay una estrategia contra grupos más antiguos –que además no tienen la mejor reputación en la sociedad–, como son los casos específicos de la Unión Popular de Vendedores Ambulantes 28 de octubre (Upva) y los concesionarios del transporte público de Agua Azul – Mayorazgo.
La concesión de la ruta Agua Azul – Mayorazgo recientemente fue cancelada para la instalación de la Red Urbana de Transporte Articulado (RUTA), o metrobús. Aunque no era la ruta que tenía más quejas, es de conocimiento popular que su servicio era muy malo (tan malo como el del sistema de transporte poblano en general). El pasado lunes 5 de enero el gobierno de Rafael Moreno Valle retiró las unidades de las rutas Mayorazgo y Galgos del Sur que recorren la 11 norte-sur bajo el argumento de que presentaban diversas irregularidades, aunque recientemente obtuvieron el reemplacamiento por la propia administración estatal.
Puebla tiene uno de los principales padrones panistas que más han aumentado, el crecimiento ha sido exorbitante, pero sigue siendo un corporativismo. Algunos de los candidatos a diputados del PAN siguen usando el estilo priista de la despensa, el acarreo, el voto, y las encuestas los están favoreciendo. No cambia en nada la política
La 28 de octubre es una organización que reúne principalmente a comerciantes informales y a taxistas, nacida en 1973, conocida en la entidad por su capacidad de movilización. A lo largo de su existencia, “la 28” ha sido señalada porque la agresión de sus miembros y por provocar disturbios. Desde finales del año pasa la Upva apoyó varias manifestaciones en contra de las políticas de Moreno Valle –como la reforma a la Ley Orgánica Municipal– y su líder moral, Rubén Sarabia “Simitrio” fue encarcelado. La madrugada del 13 de abril fueron retiradas 20 estructuras y 2 casetas de los vendedores ambulantes en varios puntos de la ciudad, y en abril fueron detenidos 18 taxis, también parte de la Upva, cerca del mercado Hidalgo, que fueron asegurados y retirados de circulación.
Al respecto, Hernández opina que no es que exista una escalada de represión particular contra estas agrupaciones, sino que ha sido parte del contexto y de la coyuntura de tener posiciones contrarias al gobierno del estado en ciertos temas.
-¿Por qué cree o considera que es particular la situación de la 28, del gobernador contra la organización?
–Yo básicamente lo entendería a partir de una resistencia muy puntual, digamos que hubo un encontronazo de intereses y que no se pusieron de acuerdo. Desde mi punto de vista esa puede ser una de las explicaciones (…). Yo pienso que particularmente de todas las represiones, esta es la represión que de alguna manera se dirige frente a un sector poco defendible, porque finalmente estos pulpos camioneros fueron derivados de la época de (el ex gobernador priista Mario) Marín y de más para atrás, evidentemente, entonces, pero eso no justifica el acto represivo en sí.
Hernández agrega que el modus operandi de Moreno Valle consiste en mandar a la cárcel a los líderes de cualquier movimiento opositor. Ya después se ve si hay legalidad o no, si hay delitos que perseguir o no, pero mientras tanto la lucha social se encauza hacia la libertad de los presos políticos y se siembra el miedo de correr con la misma suerte entre el resto de los opositores.

Tomada de
Tomada de

–Ese ínter (de la cárcel) sirvió para desmovilizar: desmovilizar a los líderes, girar órdenes de aprehensión, tenerlos en la cárcel un tiempo, mientras que se suceden los procesos jurídicos, y naturalmente si no hay delito que perseguir, normalmente los procesos judiciales lo dirán, seis meses después por lo menos.
Pareciera que el uso de la justicia en este gobierno es selectivo y que funciona sólo contra algunos. Ambos politólogos coinciden también en que el Poder Judicial local (así como el Legislativo) vive bajo una sujeción total al Ejecutivo. En palabras de Hernández, la justicia está “capturada” por el gobernador. Velázquez dice que el morenovallismo –al que describe como un neoavilacamachismo, un sistema de total control y represión constante– utiliza “las tres E’s” contra todo aquel que esté en desacuerdo con sus proyectos: extorsión, exilio y exterminio. “O estás conmigo o estás contra mí: es el nuevo sistema político.”
Juan Luis Hernández dice que la 28 de octubre y los transportistas –particularmente los segundos– pertenecen a los viejos esquemas priístas, a un sistema anterior a Moreno Valle con el cual parece querer acabar a través de su política de modernización represiva. Pero no puede modernizar por completo si no logra que el sistema que está mutando cumpla con las necesidades de la sociedad.
–No es que la gente esté enamorada del viejo régimen, pero esta transición a la modernidad forzada no se está resolviendo adecuadamente –dice Velázquez.
Hay sectores sociales en México que están pidiendo orden frente al caos, orden frente a las marchas, orden frente a las movilizaciones, orden frente a la toma de casetas, orden frente a este tipo de grupos.
Si la RUTA no satisface ni cumple con las necesidades de transporte de los ciudadanos, y si los precios del comercio formal siguen siendo poco accesibles para un gran sector de la población, explica el académico de la Buap, los poblanos continuarán inconformes, porque bien o mal les funcionaba ese sistema.
El orden y el control
El especialista de la Ibero cree que esta política represiva y de control puede favorecer al mandatario estatal. Mediante estas acciones de represión prácticamente inmediata contra cualquier agrupación (nueva, vieja, que tenga la simpatía de la ciudadanía o que sea cuestionada por la opinión pública), el gobernador está mandando un mensaje.
–Yo creo que RMV está tratando de decir al resto de la sociedad que no es admisible lo que está pasando en Oaxaca, por ejemplo, con respecto a la Sección 22, o con respecto a la movilización de ciertos grupos sociales, y que él tiene la capacidad y que él tiene la visión para poder poner un México en orden frente a la movilización, el caos, los rebeldes, etc.
Hernández cree que la filosofía del morenovallismo es que la represión es importante para mantener el orden, idea con la que comulgan ciertos sectores de la sociedad mexicana.
–Hay sectores sociales en México que están pidiendo orden frente al caos, orden frente a las marchas, orden frente a las movilizaciones, orden frente a la toma de casetas, orden frente a este tipo de grupos. Entonces claro, hay un momento donde también la sociedad se harta de algún tipo de movilizaciones sociales y Moreno Valle parece responder a este modelo.
Si las aspiraciones presidenciales de Rafael Moreno Valle se cumplen, el futuro no pinta bien para Puebla, pues lo más probable, dice Diego Velázquez, es que continúe alguien de su mismo esquema y que estas políticas represivas y totalitarias continúen. Para el especialista, el gobernador poblano ha hecho del PAN en la entidad “el nuevo PRI”, o sea, el nuevo partido hegemónico, reproduciendo prácticas de control e impunidad del antiguo régimen del priato, particularmente como el ex presidente Carlos Salinas de Gortari.
–El partido hegemónico, el nuevo PRI, va a ser el PAN. Puebla tiene uno de los principales padrones panistas que más han aumentado, el crecimiento ha sido exorbitante, pero sigue siendo un corporativismo. Algunos de los candidatos a diputados del PAN siguen usando el estilo priista de la despensa, el acarreo, el voto, y las encuestas los están favoreciendo. No cambia en nada la política.
Hernández coincide que lo que pasa a nivel nacional pasa en Puebla. “Digamos que en México estamos viviendo este gran problema de que los gobiernos panistas o perredistas lo son formalmente pero en realidad utilizan prácticas gubernamentales o prácticas represivas propias de lo que se conoce como Priato, que es digamos la hegemonía del PRI de 70 años que le dio marca a un tipo de régimen, un tipo de régimen que es básicamente autoritario.”
Pero si el proyecto presidencial de Moreno Valle fracasa, el panorama tampoco parece ser tan alentador. El maestro Velázquez considera que de entrar un régimen diferente al Ejecutivo estatal, entonces se evidenciaría la ausencia de autonomía de los Poderes, y Puebla entraría a una crisis institucional y de ingobernabilidad equiparable a la crisis socioeconómica del sexenio de Ernesto Zedillo, después del fracaso del salinismo. Pase lo que pase, pareciera que le esperan tiempos oscuros al estado.

Tuesday, November 10, 2015

Mexico: between Calles, Cardenas and Salvador Allende

Mexico: between Calles, Cardenas and Salvador Allende
By Diego Velázquez

A few days ago there was talk of a clash of national projects in our country. Multiculturalism that distinguishes Mexico is not the only condition for more responsible government officials assert, to folly, there is only one Mexico. Structural, regional reality, language and racial, tells us that there are many nations and suddenly oppose each other. The Mexico of the North, Center and South, for example, are just the first signs of a conflict that appears constant and evidence that the nation is just a pipe dream.

With political and economic projects it happens something similar. For the factions and cliques there is a different Mexico. A few days ago, following the article "The Two Mexicos" which was published in the American newspaper The Economist, an analyst stated that such differentiation evident in the country's fight between Mexico Cardenas and Miguel Aleman. The first signficaba as the country's social project, and reconciling the corporatist structures of town and country; but also responsible for the underdevelopment of paternalism. The Aleman warned as the modernizer, the developer, civilization and university, in short, the history of neoliberal and technocratic project. If the country aspires to modernity and development, then, it is necessary to choose the political project of the alemanista descent in the State.

The issue is more complicated. These models are not completely distinguish the only policy options. There, in each, features that should be mentioned to observe in more detail the proposal. The Cardenas Mexico is also the sacred presidentialism and Mexico Aleman is legitimizing corruption as lifestyle of the political class.

If you do it contrasts in national projects, it is necessary to draw a comparison between projects that marked one of the most significant breaks: Plutarco Elias Calles and Lazaro Cardenas. Both projects are modernizing and configure the Mexican presidency radically. However, while the administration pedicure can see a project that promoted a radical political nationalism and state supremacy at any cost. The Cardenas model, based on a corporatist and social policy, cohered the country by setting up a match delayed hegemonic mass democracy and political participation of the middle classes.

The General Plutarco Elias Calles tried to enforce the Mexican constitution without qualms and, indeed, had to pay very high application of certain legal provisions. So high was the price of the project had to yield to US interventionism and abandoning the idea of ​​a secular, industrialized and semiagrícola Mexico. Maximato configuration Streets rise to the figure of the autocrat, and one of the internal factions of his group would set a different political project that decided to make a legitimating structure of paternalism in the future of the Mexican political system.

In the end, it should be considered Calles and Cardenas are the characters that represent the poles of the most serious options of regime that keeps our society towards modernization: order and paternalism. Of course, both in the authoritarian axis.

The callismo and cardenismo, inserted in the Official Party over time as the pendulum of succession and interaction, incorporated a growth path which rose to the poor and the quality of caste citizens. The dominant party would dress liberal, nationalist, conservative, populist neoliberal and perhaps to PAN. It was the chameleon of political ideologies. Revolutionary nationalism democracy inhibited several decades; however, it isolated the country from the catastrophic effects of the market, institutional design and political confrontation of the many Mexicos.

The moment of economic openness showed how the model was exhausted. Political liberalization has put the country on the path of the risks of Latin American presidentialism, to say Juan Linz, and the political class does not seem to understand the risks of democratic chaos.

Plutarco Elias Calles set his government based on the submission of party factions and supporters of the extermination of political dissent. He ruled with military force and when the Cristero rebels almost defeated, only outside support its institutions remained standing. It was this kind of gravities that allowed build the National Revolutionary Party. Gen. Lazaro Cardenas came to power riding on the structure of the newly created official match; however, his political break led him to govern with decrees and exceptional mechanisms to set up a regime that would safeguard the order of the country at the expense even of State institutions. Military violence, political decrees, populism and electoral fraud built roads authoritarian governance in Mexico's PRI.

And things do not seem to have changed much after the alternation of the Presidency of the Republic. In fact, in a kind of eternal return, it seems that the country is heading, again, the prospect of a Calles or attempting to make government Cardenas. The point is that democracy has taken root in Mexican society and the international context observed unpunished violence that has come to conduct the state.

Pragmatic alliance multiparty requested in the context of the presidential succession Mexico placed in the path of Salvador Allende and Francisco I. Madero, rather than on the historical experiences of Plutarco Elias Calles and Lazaro Cardenas. Not the same control dozens of deputies and mayors, locally, to bear the increased capacity for influence and blackmail acquire small parties and pragmatic factions nationwide. An example of the failure of this model for the governance of the country is the Pact for Mexico.

Political processes have just experienced some Latin American nations like Guatemala and Argentina demonstrate the weakness of electoral coalitions in government. The newly elected President Jimmy Morales will have less than twenty deputies in Congress and there is little hope that other partisan allies maintain their support. Salvador Allende and Francisco I. Madero arrived driven by a plurality of parties that abandoned the principle of disagreements. Presidentialism in a democratic and highly fragmented partisan context becomes inoperative, conflict and failed, to say Juan Linz.

The model of pragmatic alliances put into a situation of ungovernability severe  the mexican presidentialism, as that been felt since divided governments were inaugurated. The spacious and large coalitions of parties are not enough structures to withstand the crisis and problems that occur in a presidential system of emerging democracy and an unequal social structure.

Mexico's social problems accrue pressure on the presidential institution and, if not addressed, will continue in the attempted extra-settlement mechanisms of government paralysis. The Army no longer has the ability to stronger US violence and not send another Dwight Morrow. The complicated scenarios painted Juan Linz and the dangers of presidentialism increasingly they seem to make sense. Maximum use of state capacity to maintain governance and party control, was exceedingly weaken the presidency of the republic. As it has been the case since the previous presidential administration: Felipe Calderon wanted to emulate Plutarco Elias Calles and institutional attrition was impressive. Enrique Peña Nieto wants to retrain Miguel German but in reality, this project never existed.

Political reform in Mexico must generate collaborative arrangements between parties and branches of government. The panorama of the Mexican presidency has been complicated and pragmatic alliances polipartidistas contribute to the problem. Urge raise the appointment of a Head of Government and the likely removal thereof, the dissolution of the Federal Congress and a new system of proportional representation in most districts.

Consider that model of pragmatic alliance can support a President forced to imagine a style of government like Maximino Avila Camacho, Alvaro Obregon, Porfirio Diaz and perhaps Francisco Franco.

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