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Devil in a blue dress. The force of evil in the Mexican political system


By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Poverty is constituted as the source of all evils, factionalism springs as one of the major pathologies. All peoples have gone through stages of severe economic crises, and only national unity, moderation in social inequality, civility and values, allow us to overcome problems.
The neoliberal economic model has been one of the productive schemes to which the generation of poverty is most correlational. The imposition of the catalaxia to the politics, have come to destroy the State and the civic virtues. Factionalism is constituted thanks to a phase of extreme imitation, its dynamics generate a complexity that, viewed from the sociological categories, hinders development, democracy and civilization. Hence the importance of the formation of the State and its institutions. In developing countries where poverty becomes structural, factionalism ends up covering the economic, political and social order.
Roderic Ai Camp expressed, during the exhaustion of the hegemonic party, that the problem of Mexico was a matter of power between camarillas. With all the enormous criticism that can be made to the elitological approach, his prosopographic studies allow us to understand the degree of institutionalization or failure that the government has. It is necessary to say, then, that with Carlos Salinas de Gortari not only the State of the Mexican Revolution went but also the institutional set that, more or less, had generated an order with respect to the political succession in Mexico. What has come next is a barbaric war between factions for power. To this bag must be introduced the rights and lefts that have been contaminated DNA that the Revolutionary Family had.
One of the most powerful factions that the Mexican political system has had is the Atlacomulco Group; The most fearsome mutation. In different sexennial periods their power was increased as well as their peculiar way of organizing things. The accumulation of economic and political capital, led them to face Salinism and seize the Official Party as well as - partly - the presidency of the republic during the government of Ernesto Zedillo. The Atlacomulco Group is responsible for the modernization failure that neoliberalism intended.

Suddenly, the figure of Carlos Salinas - Mustafa Kemal Ataturk to Samuel Huntington - lost legitimacy and the Zedillo current had to be reaffirmed by agreeing with some excluded and confronted politicians and groups. Zedillo accepted the support of the Atlacomulco Group, which at that time led the forces of the Institutional Revolutionary, facing Carlos Salinas to the limit. The Zedillo sexenio promoted even more the breaking of the revolutionary family and the compact group, making in the three blocks of power were seen interlaced Salinistas, Cordobistas, Hankistas, colosistas, etc., and using the factions according to the termidor of his six years . For example, using hankistas to subdue the Salinistas, but abandoning them at the beginning of the succession.
Ernesto Zedillo broke each and every one of the rules of the revolutionary pact: he abdicated his functions, the healthy distance of the party, the ferocious persecution of his predecessor, the evident partiality to his closed clique, false honesty preached to the four winds, the steps Zigzagging; All contributed to the collapse. Their weak bureaucratic supporters felt empowered to do the same. Zedillo's "moral influence" or, if one prefers, an understandable political concern, would have considered the perils of a PRI coming to the election of 2000. The open quarrels between the currents of the party and the Revolutionary Family, as well as the debatable ones Personal antecedents of corruption in the public function or of participation in criminal backgrounds of the candidates completely broke the stability of the Mexican political system. The fear of Ernesto Zedillo to avoid the arrival of the PRI was that the rupture of the old regime propitiated, among other things, that the factions, mafias and criminal organizations that were part of the so-called "Revolutionary Family" gained autonomy and multiplied their power. Beyond the political struggle between these factions, the evidence indicates that the Revolutionary Family was trying to turn Mexico into a narco-state, or into a "mafia state", because of the complicated fabric of organized crime and the apparatus of power.
The incapacity or complicity of the PAN during its presidential administrations allowed the strengthening of the Atlacomulco Group and the political recovery of the PRI in 2012. Right now, in the State of Mexico is articulated an alliance where the Mexican extreme right is willing to allow the Atlacomulco Home Continue being tricolor as well as ratify that a cousin of the Clan can accede to the candidacy blanquiazul for the presidency of the republic. The failure of National Action in the State of Mexico will undoubtedly benefit Rafael Moreno Valle.
The agreements between El Yunque and Grupo Atlacomulco reflect the future that awaits the country. The State of Mexico constitutes one of the entities with greater economic capacity even from the colonial time; However, it is inexplicable that the PRI dominion has been prolonged for so long as well as the terrible results in its social and economic indicators. Enrique Peña Nieto was one of the worst governors of his entity and the country. It is the model that suits his clique and has been replicated where other collaborators of his have been also governors.
It is not the first time that corruption serves as a cement between the ultra-right and the cacique groups of the country. Their disguise of moderate liberals, conservatives and technocrats only serves to hide their colonial thought where they imagine the operation of the country as if it were a Treasury. The Creole lordship remains the main representation of his political thinking.
The radicalism of this pack against social justice and egalitarianism is the real obstacle to the modernization of Mexico. When they colluded to assassinate Franciso I. Madero, his antipopulista speech gained the legitimization of the North American government; But, it provoked a stage of violence that the historical negacionistas are in charge of hiding.
The present Mexico does not have a few zapatistas and Villistas hordes as in the concluding years of the Porfiriato. Crime groups, as well as community and guerrilla defenses, have multiplied exponentially because of poverty. The country is a stage of the novels of Tom Clancy, whose imagination has acquired a validity given the success of video games that take their scripts.
Will El Yunque, Grupo Atlacomulco and Victoriano Huerta have the capacity to contain the Carranza, Villa and Zapata that are approaching in a context where they no longer have the support of the United States?

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