2018. A Turncoat Election. Neoliberal PRI VS Nationalist PRI?
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2017/08/24/una-sucesion-transfuga/
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
A few weeks ago, during the research seminar celebrated by the IIHS of the Universidad Veracruzana, a unique debate was presented, analyzing the consequences that political transference has had on Mexican democratization. The hypothesis with respect to the current regime where PRI predominates of all the political parties was enriched by the question of the change in the cliques and factions of the Mexican political system. The PRI colonization of the Mexican political parties is undoubted, as the thesis of illustrious Daniel Cosío Villegas prayed: only the PRI wins the PRI. And behold, the priista smurf and yellow pricommunist anvils have learned the lesson. The merit of the PAN, PRD, PVEM, MORENA, etc., is to postulate members of PRI. However, in the evolution of transitory times it is also necessary to observe the differences, continuities and discontinuities that the PRI has had.
In 1980 an important schism occurred within the Revolutionary Family between politicians and technocrats. The bloodletting of priistas evidenced the resistance to that the politics doubled before the liberal economist. The PRI became technocratic and reached more and more blue-white colors; Althougt it is true, one of the first postrevolutionary technocrats was Manuel Gómez Morín, inspired by primorriverismo, the Panistas in general little dominated the technique. PRI dissidents approached social political parties that coincided with their populist arts. The internal PRI conflict generated a mobility where politicians lost space in front of the liberal specialists of the economy; However, they were all going to integrate with the former opposition parties.
However, the PRI was not extinguished between the Mexican right and left. On the contrary, it has continued to be a source of political members for institutes representative of the ideological extremes in the country. A fellow researcher commented: the opposition has always been second and backpacker of the PRI, in all this time they have not been encouraged to form professional cadres nor to have own projects for the country. The populist journalist Arturo Luna Silva has characterized the antagonistic parties with a correct fable of Aesop: they constitute a frog opposition.
The PRI political culture survived the transition from hegemony to opposition and, even though its return to the presidency of the republic did not reinstate its political preeminence, it remains the main institute that has the electoral, corporatist and cacique structure to determine support Of who occupies the first magistrature of the country in 2018.
This division of political class has marked the alternations and rhythm of the Mexican political transition since 1988. The struggle between the technocracy and the politicians has served for the opposition and the factual powers to survive in the factional conflict. It has also been the main burden for democracy not to consolidate in the country. The battle between dinosaurs and yuppies has allowed that the partitocracia kidnap the order of the Mexican society. Technicians and rudos have made similar use of corporatist and delinquential informality to protect their interests to the detriment of the nation and society.
By 2018, so far, the presidential project of MORENA seems to be reaching an uncontainable point of support. The cliques and factions that make up the nationalist-populist-political-social project are consolidating a path towards electoral victory that will annul the country's technocratic control. The exhaustion of the technocratic-conservative-neoliberal-rightist group that José Cordoba Montoya inaugurated after the death of Luis Donaldo Colosio, has not found the ideal character that as Ernesto Zedillo, Vicente Fox, Felipe Calderón and Enrique Peña, manage to combine the interests of His various groups to remain in the presidency of the republic. Now the transfer will probably benefit Andrés Manuel López Obrador.
Will it happen with MORENA the same as with the PAN? National Action, now become the Priista Smurf for the full and consented invasion of the Atlacomulco Group, constitutes a reference on the evolution of the Mexican political class. According to the logic that Victor Reynoso uses to explain the PAN institutional model, the trajectory of mergers and ruptures constitutes the motor of the unstable dynamic equilibrium that the PAN preserves as it constitutes the crucible of Mexican rights. Each has had its time and place, history can tell who was up to the circumstances and was consistent with their beliefs. According to Maria Teresa Gómez Mont y Urueta, neoliberalism allowed a rapprochement between the PRI and PAN right; These elections are likely to be the defining moment for these New Right elites to finish unifying. Rafael Moreno Valle became the protagonist that identifies the new PAN politician. Maybe, characters like him imagined Gomez Morin from the beginning. Perhaps Entrepreneurs and the Catholic Church have been receptive to this type of behavior because they only know how to educate Mirreyes and send their "young ladies" to the hunt of distinguished priists, they lack adequate leaders and institutions to prepare their members. With Moreno Valle probably get what with Juan Andrew Almazan and Ezequiel Padilla could not. The 2018 will be a reissue of 1988 and 2006. The nationalist and neoliberal projects will be confronted once again.
The nationalist-populist project of MORENA must guard against the transference to avoid a history similar to that of National Action. The triumphs of conservative alternative nationalisms set the tone for a response to the radical changes humanity is experiencing. What should groups and society do that are disposable from the neoliberal perspective? Of course, to merge, organize against destruction. The middle class is constantly afraid of the nationalist project that is accused of socializing and authoritarian; However, the middle class and some subjects of the other social extremes, are disillusioned with this artilugo given the situation of vulnerability that begins to surround us on all sides. If one is guilty of extreme poverty, serious delinquency, ecological damage, general drug addiction, loss of values and social order, etc., its name is neoliberalism. Mexico is a daily carnage thanks to the functionality between organized crime, technocrats and neoliberal globalization. Veracruz, a unique example of the country, is a neoliberal tragicomedy of what has been lived in Mexico for more than three decades. It is indispensable a historical rupture with priism and the way in which alternative nationalisms are mixing conservatism, patriotism, socialism, communism, ecologism and feminism, etc., is a singular option to stop turning its back on the history of Mexico. Serve the reader, the present table of current political trends from the perspective of Macario Schettino (2004)
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2017/08/24/una-sucesion-transfuga/
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
A few weeks ago, during the research seminar celebrated by the IIHS of the Universidad Veracruzana, a unique debate was presented, analyzing the consequences that political transference has had on Mexican democratization. The hypothesis with respect to the current regime where PRI predominates of all the political parties was enriched by the question of the change in the cliques and factions of the Mexican political system. The PRI colonization of the Mexican political parties is undoubted, as the thesis of illustrious Daniel Cosío Villegas prayed: only the PRI wins the PRI. And behold, the priista smurf and yellow pricommunist anvils have learned the lesson. The merit of the PAN, PRD, PVEM, MORENA, etc., is to postulate members of PRI. However, in the evolution of transitory times it is also necessary to observe the differences, continuities and discontinuities that the PRI has had.
In 1980 an important schism occurred within the Revolutionary Family between politicians and technocrats. The bloodletting of priistas evidenced the resistance to that the politics doubled before the liberal economist. The PRI became technocratic and reached more and more blue-white colors; Althougt it is true, one of the first postrevolutionary technocrats was Manuel Gómez Morín, inspired by primorriverismo, the Panistas in general little dominated the technique. PRI dissidents approached social political parties that coincided with their populist arts. The internal PRI conflict generated a mobility where politicians lost space in front of the liberal specialists of the economy; However, they were all going to integrate with the former opposition parties.
However, the PRI was not extinguished between the Mexican right and left. On the contrary, it has continued to be a source of political members for institutes representative of the ideological extremes in the country. A fellow researcher commented: the opposition has always been second and backpacker of the PRI, in all this time they have not been encouraged to form professional cadres nor to have own projects for the country. The populist journalist Arturo Luna Silva has characterized the antagonistic parties with a correct fable of Aesop: they constitute a frog opposition.
The PRI political culture survived the transition from hegemony to opposition and, even though its return to the presidency of the republic did not reinstate its political preeminence, it remains the main institute that has the electoral, corporatist and cacique structure to determine support Of who occupies the first magistrature of the country in 2018.
This division of political class has marked the alternations and rhythm of the Mexican political transition since 1988. The struggle between the technocracy and the politicians has served for the opposition and the factual powers to survive in the factional conflict. It has also been the main burden for democracy not to consolidate in the country. The battle between dinosaurs and yuppies has allowed that the partitocracia kidnap the order of the Mexican society. Technicians and rudos have made similar use of corporatist and delinquential informality to protect their interests to the detriment of the nation and society.
By 2018, so far, the presidential project of MORENA seems to be reaching an uncontainable point of support. The cliques and factions that make up the nationalist-populist-political-social project are consolidating a path towards electoral victory that will annul the country's technocratic control. The exhaustion of the technocratic-conservative-neoliberal-rightist group that José Cordoba Montoya inaugurated after the death of Luis Donaldo Colosio, has not found the ideal character that as Ernesto Zedillo, Vicente Fox, Felipe Calderón and Enrique Peña, manage to combine the interests of His various groups to remain in the presidency of the republic. Now the transfer will probably benefit Andrés Manuel López Obrador.
Will it happen with MORENA the same as with the PAN? National Action, now become the Priista Smurf for the full and consented invasion of the Atlacomulco Group, constitutes a reference on the evolution of the Mexican political class. According to the logic that Victor Reynoso uses to explain the PAN institutional model, the trajectory of mergers and ruptures constitutes the motor of the unstable dynamic equilibrium that the PAN preserves as it constitutes the crucible of Mexican rights. Each has had its time and place, history can tell who was up to the circumstances and was consistent with their beliefs. According to Maria Teresa Gómez Mont y Urueta, neoliberalism allowed a rapprochement between the PRI and PAN right; These elections are likely to be the defining moment for these New Right elites to finish unifying. Rafael Moreno Valle became the protagonist that identifies the new PAN politician. Maybe, characters like him imagined Gomez Morin from the beginning. Perhaps Entrepreneurs and the Catholic Church have been receptive to this type of behavior because they only know how to educate Mirreyes and send their "young ladies" to the hunt of distinguished priists, they lack adequate leaders and institutions to prepare their members. With Moreno Valle probably get what with Juan Andrew Almazan and Ezequiel Padilla could not. The 2018 will be a reissue of 1988 and 2006. The nationalist and neoliberal projects will be confronted once again.
The nationalist-populist project of MORENA must guard against the transference to avoid a history similar to that of National Action. The triumphs of conservative alternative nationalisms set the tone for a response to the radical changes humanity is experiencing. What should groups and society do that are disposable from the neoliberal perspective? Of course, to merge, organize against destruction. The middle class is constantly afraid of the nationalist project that is accused of socializing and authoritarian; However, the middle class and some subjects of the other social extremes, are disillusioned with this artilugo given the situation of vulnerability that begins to surround us on all sides. If one is guilty of extreme poverty, serious delinquency, ecological damage, general drug addiction, loss of values and social order, etc., its name is neoliberalism. Mexico is a daily carnage thanks to the functionality between organized crime, technocrats and neoliberal globalization. Veracruz, a unique example of the country, is a neoliberal tragicomedy of what has been lived in Mexico for more than three decades. It is indispensable a historical rupture with priism and the way in which alternative nationalisms are mixing conservatism, patriotism, socialism, communism, ecologism and feminism, etc., is a singular option to stop turning its back on the history of Mexico. Serve the reader, the present table of current political trends from the perspective of Macario Schettino (2004)