CIENCIA POLÍTICA

Morena: a model of collaborative factionalism Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero Morena's electoral profitability seems to have no competition. The point is that collaborative factionalism does not mean homogeneity of public policies and ideological principles. Morena's electoral profitability seems to have no competition. There will not be a political party like the PRI again in Mexico. Within the studies that tried to understand the prevailing logic of cohesion and discipline in the PRI that strengthened the Hegemonic Party model, political scientist Joy Langston can be located. Is it budgetary or presidential power that incentivizes cliques to cooperate? What allows a party to develop the classification of participation under the principle: “within the system everything, even impunity; outside the system, ostracism, repression and death”? The CIDE professor considered that the control of public administration at all levels imposed the availability of jobs and patrimonialism th

Trumpism and the boycott of the Mexican succession Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero  Although Donald Trump has insisted on a friendly relationship with his socialist friend from the south, it is significant that the mass communication monopolies in Mexico are legitimizing in advance the triumph of the American Republican and seeking to accommodate their oligarchic interests in the agenda of the probable American Caesar. A divided election scenario with a high degree of competitiveness and uncertainty is the one that points to the United States; not to Mexico. However, different electoral institutions, business organizations and red circle analysts affirm – irresponsibly – that the Mexican elections have a scenario of social polarization above that of the United States. Despite the fact that PRIANRD's own pollsters have parametrized MORENA's advantage and AMLO's approval as factors that configure a peaceful succession favorable to the former Head of the CDMX Government Claud

 Catch All Party or Rebellion of the Masses? Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero Morena's internal processes have been highly questioned by the inconsistency between state committees and national leadership. He has called the attention that the principles of gender parity, political pragmatism and acclamation popular; They have mixed opportunistically to legitimize the candidatesselected. The result scales in the perception of internal processes debated and poorly sanitized, John Ackerman - for example - only admits that four candidates for state governments of Morena are related to the principles of the fourth transformation, the others show the severe conflict that Morena has between its tendencies and the pragmatism of its leaders. Although Morena has not been able to institutionalize itself as a political party, and much less like the hegemonic party that was the PRI, the approach to the political model of the Cath All Party close to what the Party has done Democrat in the United

 Political Entrepreneurship Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero According to Maurice Duverger, partisan perspectives in electoral systems with a majority tendency lean toward bipartisanship or bipolarism. Probably from this perspective we can understand Pedro Kumamoto's action to associate his independent political formation, as well as the embryo of a political party that he tried to form, with the National Regeneration Movement. Political factionalism in Latin America has come to generate a phenomenon known as political entrepreneurship and which, before the connotation involved in the economy, implied the construction of partisan institutes, clubs, gatherings, organizations or movements to exercise a veto or blackmail capacity in the political system. Factionalism and political entrepreneurship are conditions that distinguish Third World political systems. In the case of Latin America, there are unique nations in terms of the number – more nominal than real – of political parties t