A Beetle in Teotihuacan

 A Beetle in Teotihuacan

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The echo of the explosions at the Pyramid of the Moon not only shattered the age-old silence of the City of the Gods, but also definitively tore away the veil of ideological innocence that Mexico believed it possessed by right. The incident, perpetrated by a lone wolf, is presented to the public as the eruption of a narcissistic nihilism that, under the veneer of outdated mysticism, carried out a blood ritual in the heart of Mexico's indigenous heritage. A young man from Morelos, trapped in a profound alienation, decided to inhabit the body of a Nordic warrior to purge his resentments against modernity.

As analyst Carlos Ramírez has aptly pointed out, this event represents the irruption of far-right terrorism at a time when the struggle for the indigenous past has become the center of the national discourse. It is paradoxical that, while the presidency asserts sovereignty against the old Spanish empire, a lone wolf decides to desecrate the sacrificial grounds to pay tribute to a foreign cosmogony. Jasso, who signed his literary ravings as Vilhjálmur M. Marsson, was a collector of perverted myths for a worldview where politics is replaced by biological destiny and the mysticism of blood. Jasso's profile evokes the Thule Society, that esoteric organization that served as the ideological foundation for National Socialism. Like the members of that shadowy circle, Jasso fed on an identity-based desperation that sought redemption in runes and an imagined intellectual superiority. It is no coincidence that his motivations bear the shadow of figures like Heinrich Himmler and Alfred Rosenberg, architects of a racial religion that despised Christian humanism in favor of a bellicose paganism. Rosenberg argued for the need to replace old truths with a faith in blood, an idea that Jasso transferred to the Avenue of the Dead by identifying with the figure of Thor, the hammer of the gods, whose cinematic aesthetic he edited to feed his own superhuman image.

The date of the attack, coinciding with the anniversary of Adolf Hitler's birth and the Columbine massacre, confirms that Jasso operated according to a ritual calendar logic. For him, Teotihuacan was the perfect power node, a point of telluric energy similar to those described by François Ribadeau Dumas and Hans S. Bauer in their treatises on occultism and secret societies. Jasso saw himself as an initiate, a link in the chain of a spiritual elite that included Freemasonry, which he never truly understood. It is vital to clarify that Freemasonry, with its imperative of universal brotherhood and philanthropy, is the antithesis of nihilistic hatred. However, his rhetoric mixed Jewish-Masonic conspiracy theories with Thule Mysticism, an intellectual confusion that Oswald Spengler had already warned about in his work on the decline of the West when speaking of the final phase of civilizations, where rational thought is devoured by a new, magical, and violent religiosity.

This “spiritualism,” which some anthropologists have linked to Mexicanist movements or followers of national transformation, took a dark turn in Jasso’s work. Unlike the mysticism of Antonio Velasco Piña or the narrative of Patricia Zarco in "El séptimo cadete", which seek a spiritual reconnection with Mexican roots, Jasso filtered Teotihuacan archaeology through the German Black Forest and Goethe’s demon. His attacks directed at Canadian and American tourists demonstrate that his racism was not a loyalty to Hispanic culture, but rather a hatred of the liberal order of the North, a declaration of war by a “Vengeful Mars” against the materialism he considered decadent.

Mexico must become aware of the constant reality where young people, outside the productive system but imbued with an exclusive, esoteric online narrative, can become executors of imported ideological terrorism. The warning has been issued at the top of the pyramid: violence is no longer solely the domain of the cartels, which also employ youth armies, but has found a new breeding ground in the mystique of resentment. The lone wolf died believing the gods had chosen him, leaving behind the trail of a .38 caliber revolver and a historical void of attention. Faced with a lack of prospects and a future in a productive system that provides meaning, Mexican youth find in the mystique of hatred a territory where they can be "someone." In the eternal City of the Dead, an ideological mindset has crashed against the sacred past, reminding us that nihilism, when cloaked in myth, is the deepest threat to the soul of the nation.

The Coming Progressive Right

 The Coming Progressive Right

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

While the historical right, that of the Habsburg model, corporatist and clerical, clings to its remnants of power through local political bosses, a more insidious creature is emerging: the progressive right of the digital youth.

It is not a force for liberation, but rather the enforcer of an algorithmic puritanism that has transformed the classroom into a pocket-sized Inquisition tribunal.

These young people, who carry their cell phones like personal panopticons, are not rebels; they are the new watchdogs of a regime that despises them while granting them the illusion of moral superiority.

It is the minionization of the spirit: a mass desperately seeking a charismatic villain to serve and a scapegoat to cancel.

They have replaced hard data and scientific rigor with the fetish of identity, validating an authoritarian structure that uses tenderness to conceal what is rotten.

This new right wing doesn't need bayonets when it has students willing to denounce any teacher who dares to interrupt its lethargy with the aridity of real-world politics or thermodynamics, anthropocentrism or geopolitics. The system doesn't need to send the army into the square if it can send the "minion masses" to digitally lynch anyone who steps out of line.

"Repression" today means exclusion from the job market, social media blackouts, and the budgetary strangulation of intelligence.

The looming conflict will not be between progress and reaction, but between two forms of servitude.

On one side, the old order of personal loyalties; on the other, this consumerist vanguard that confuses empathy with censorship.

However, the awakening will be tragic.

In a Mexico where infrastructure is crumbling, pollution is devouring the future, and public administration is a prize for the incompetent, the Sultan algorithm will offer little solace.

Cell phones will be useless tools in the face of the harsh realities of manual labor and the scarcity they will inherit.

Digital courtiers are being cultivated for a world that demands engineers and critical thinkers.

While the political class smiles for the cameras, the intelligentsia silently drinks its hemlock, aware that the mirage of digital freedom is merely the prelude to a new and deeper darkness.

Gabriel Careaga exposed the university students of '68 not as romantic revolutionaries, but as aspirational individuals with a profound fear of downward mobility.

According to him, their "rebellion" was actually a tantrum to ensure the system guaranteed their place in the pyramid of privilege.

If we apply this lens to the progressive right (the digital ephebocracy), the scenario is terrifyingly cyclical. I hope they have time to escape.

Just as Robespierre ended up on the guillotine, this youth-dominated system could turn against the regime if it isn't "pure" or "tender" enough at any given moment.

The wounded american right

 The Wounded American Right

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The assassination of Charlie Kirk, a singular and prominent figure of Trumpism, highlights the deep polarization that corrodes American society.

This tragic event falls within a context of social anomie, where responsibility apparently falls on the behavior of populist progressivism.

In the wake of this event, the debate between conservatism and progressivism intensifies.

The MAGA movement presents itself as the victim of an attack, arguing that it embodies order, stability, and Christian nationalism, a perception that seems to gain legitimacy.

Progressivism, for its part, is perceived as a movement approaching a "culture of death," where iconoclasm becomes a central value and destruction is an end in itself.

Under this lens, any society that adopts it would be on the verge of cultural suicide.

The problem with progressivism, seen from this perspective, lies in its linear view of history and progress.

The upcoming Trumpist conventions will be revived by this event, boosting right-wing activism both in the United States and throughout the Western world.

Kirk's death has resonated even in Latin America, where, despite the racism inherent in the MAGA movement, this event has been viewed in a strange way, almost as a kind of martyrdom.

In this context, progressivism faces the challenge of articulating effective public policies that counter the exacerbated voluntarism of libertarianism and postmodernism.

In a geopolitical world where the West seems to be waging a battle against itself, while non-Western civilizations thrive on conservative values, it is almost inevitable that right-wing positions will gain ground, especially in countries like the United States.

President Trump has found in Kirk's death a perfect pretext to reinforce his isolationist and exceptionalist policies.

It will continue to pursue the MAGA agenda without compromising its nationalist and Christian beliefs, as figures like Charlie Kirk have become martyrs to its ideology.

This tragic event represents a direct threat to progressive populist movements, which seem to be losing their direction and the ability to offer functional solutions to society.

Disillusioned, people will rally, as if in a chain reaction, to politicians who promise order, stability, employment, economic growth, and security.

Perhaps the time has come to contain modernity and, as Samuel Huntington once suggested in Who Are We?, regenerate Western culture.

In this context, progressive populist movements lose their bearings and become a pretext for aggressive geopolitics by conservative nations.

For Mexico and leftist governments in Latin America, Kirk's death heralds a hardening of Trumpism on crucial issues such as migration, drug trafficking, and governance.

Ultimately, this murder highlights the supposed essence of cultural post-Marxism in universities and its advancement at any cost, an argument that will undoubtedly be exploited by his political adversaries.

Trumpism and the boycott of the Mexican succession

Trumpism and the boycott of the Mexican succession

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Although Donald Trump has insisted on a friendly relationship with his socialist friend from the south, it is significant that the mass communication monopolies in Mexico are legitimizing in advance the triumph of the American Republican and seeking to accommodate their oligarchic interests in the agenda of the probable American Caesar.

A divided election scenario with a high degree of competitiveness and uncertainty is the one that points to the United States; not to Mexico.

However, different electoral institutions, business organizations and red circle analysts affirm – irresponsibly – that the Mexican elections have a scenario of social polarization above that of the United States.

Despite the fact that PRIANRD's own pollsters have parametrized MORENA's advantage and AMLO's approval as factors that configure a peaceful succession favorable to the former Head of the CDMX Government Claudia Sheinbaum, there is a vile intention to point out the Mexican elections as problematic.

The Broad Front for Mexico has only been established as an exaltation of ineptitude and its dark campaign against the election for the presidency of Mexico means the biggest mistake; although, unfortunately, it ends up harming the entire society.

Conservatives have always looked abroad for military force to make up for the lack of support among the Mexican people.

This occurred in French and North American interventions throughout the 19th and 20th centuries; It is not strange that Claudio

The arguments regarding the supposed communism of the Fourth Transformation do not hold up; However, the issue of drug trafficking and insecurity makes sense when organized crime cells multiply, scenes of violence extend to most of the national territory and Morena is not immunized against narcopolitics.

Contemporary history is full of cases where legitimate governments, democratically elected and with broad social support, are overthrown by the enemies of the country supported by foreign forces; especially North Americans.

Mexico has followed this drama at least five times.

Is Claudia Sheinbaum safe from a conservative coup? Of course not.

Popular bases, military support and pragmatic alliances are not enough.

Morena is not the PRI, Mexico has not achieved the national unity of some Latin American countries that have faced imperialism with dignity.

Calles and Cárdenas inhibited invasions and coups against Mexico directed from the United States through arduous work in international relations.

Callismo, as reported by the investigations of Martha Loyo and Manola Álvarez, exposed the vileness of the North American ambassador James Rockwell Sheffield to generate a war against Mexico and seize the oil.

Cardenism had the giant Vicente Lombardo Toledano to externalize the Nazism of the national right, the abandonment of the civilized world to the democratic Spanish republic and the sympathy of North Americans for the destruction of the USSR.

Morena must expose to the world the narco empire that the United States represents and the dishonesty that it deprives of its intelligence apparatus.

Morena has made terrible mistakes based on electoral profitability.

It is true that in a context like the Mexican one, the politician who does not steal flies; However, militants have been appointed to public positions that justify foreign interventionism.

Electoral support counts for nothing in the face of North American imperialism, they themselves constitute a semi-sovereign people who hand over the will to power to a plutocracy.

Do the turncoat PRI members believe that it is enough to buy votes in North America to change the direction of the Electoral College?

Donald Trump is increasingly convinced of a military intervention in Mexico to replenish his country's economy and prolong a war that allocates profits to the pentagonism that he cannot obtain in distant conflagrations.

As in the 19th century, Mexico will be the sparring partner of Yankee imperialism with the full approval of conservatives.

The abandonment of Xóchitl Gálvez's electoral campaign is explained by the PRI lobbying with Donald Trump and the pragmatic Morenoist fool.

FAR-RIGHT: CIA Agents

Far-right: CIA agents

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

The elections that take place this year have as a paradigm the clash between two forms of Mexican time. 1. The construction of a form of authoritarian obedience and 2. Democratic anarchism.

In the illiberal Ibero-American Catholic culture, strong leaders are indispensable, democracy generates conflicts that public morality does not know how to resolve. Ibero-America is distinguished by a deep sense of chaos. Informality and immorality are imposed on the character of the peoples and only in exceptional or minute cases, some are distinguished by honesty. Democracy is bad for the Latin American peoples, their elites do not have the capacity to govern with quality. Nor does a civic condition survive in the largest minority reached by the government.

Phenomena like Franco, the PRI, Perón, Pinochet, Ortega, Somoza, Castro, etc; they are part of a tradition that values ​​strength more than freedom. From a distance, they seem neither totalitarianisms, nor fascisms, nor anything, just plain authoritarianisms that managed to govern a numerous factionalism.

The nauseating transfuguismo that is experienced in all political parties and tendencies is a sign of the little value that freedom has in the political class, there are few leaders with principles, almost none. The decomposition of the Mexican political system did not finish showing itself in the EPN administration, it still reaches the current one and continues to gangrene it.

How many Lily Téllez are going to come to Morena this time? Transfuguism in Spain or Latin America is distinguished by its legislative vein and, perhaps, that is necessary for the government to disabuse itself of the limits and traps that its allies are going to set. This is the case of the characters who reach the seat for a party and then decide to sell their vote to the highest bidder. The recent experiences of Guatemala, Peru, Honduras and some historical ones such as Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Brazil, are an example of the poisoning that these practices solve in the political apparatus. A severe conflict looms in Mexico between the Legislative and Executive Power.

Some years ago there was mention of politicians in the style "Manuel Camacho Solís" and the abrupt changes that his attitude caused in the evolution of the Mexican political system. What are politicians like "Lily Téllez" going to provoke now?

During the PRIato the possibilities of a coup d'état or foreign intervention were reduced due to the internal discipline that the Official Party kept. The cost was represented by a gigantic corruption that was administered from the State. That is the problem that Morena has now.

The similes between Carlos Salinas de Gortari and Andrés Manuel López Obrador remain constant. When George Bush - father - did not win reelection, the Salinas neoliberal project began its permanent decline and now the same can happen with Q4. We have argued that Mexico does better when the Republicans rule in the US.

If Bush - father - had won the elections for a second presidential term, perhaps Colosio would not have died, CSG would have led the WTO and, probably also, would have already governed Mexico again, the 1995 economic crisis would not have occurred and, still, the Solidarity Party would maintain power under a social liberal neo-corporatism. Everything failed. Salinas went from being the Mexican Mustafa Kemal Ataturk to a vile oligarchic thief, Mexico had an emigration of close to 10 million people (which increased seriously with drug trafficking) and society had to face subsidizing the financial dilemma of the new liberalism economic. Not to mention the lack of control and ungovernability that began to live in the nation.

4T begins to experience an anticipated scenario of this crisis regularly caused by the Democratic party. Probably your dolphin will not be sabotaged, it will not be necessary if the relationship with the Legislative Power becomes complicated. While Salinas regained a legislative majority and there was even speculation about a re-election that the social group seriously considered, it is risky to assume that AMLO will have a peaceful relationship with the Legislative Power.

Salinas imitated Lázaro Cárdenas in the strategy of generating governance. And it was not enough. López Obrador does not control the governors - not to say that each one misgoverns in the most radical way possible on a scale that ranges from extreme crime to cave-dwelling barbarism. However, Lázaro Cárdenas did not manage to transcend beyond his six-year term, Salinas became a dark villain and the errors of the 4T add up and add up. Morenoism is becoming more and more like the 2nd Spanish Republic that did everything so that Falangism came to power.

The severe adjustments that financial capitalism will implement in the post-pandemic world are going to be terrible in the Mexican case: emigration, financial circuses, crime, ungovernability, etc .; It is the democratic recipe for good neighborliness between Mexico and the United States. Morena's internal groups have shown a more than damaging particularism, the capacity for harm, a failed intelligence, that distinguishes fools. Who told progressive groups that good government is one that only thinks about homosexuals, abortionists and vegan bicycle riders? Good government is the one that governs for everyone. Does the nexus between feminism and conservatism show us that the far-right turncoat learned to overtake the left?

The coup does not have to be military, or even abrupt. At the right time, the Legislative can cause chaos and a permanent blockade of the Executive. Joe Biden (the CIA and the DEA) are not going to allow it to govern. A relationship like that of José López Portillo and Jimmy Carter is envisioned and, as soon as we remember ……, we were screwed.

After World War II, the Mexican extreme right became an employee of the CIA. The fight against communism earned them influence, conspiracies, business; even power. However, just as Spain wonders what being a Catholic has served it, Latin America should question what being pro-Yankee has served it. North America subsists thanks to the mafia republic that is Mexico, but the cost is paid from here.

Vladimir Putin has built a legal scaffolding to guarantee impunity and try to preserve power, at least until 2036. The Russian leader understands that with the Democrats he can end up like Gaddafi or Osama, the serious scenario for his people also influences so that China distance itself from US interventionism.

The ultra-right involves infiltrating several dozen candidates for the legislative branch to change jackets - like Lily Téllez - at the right time. The second half of the six-year term does not show a smooth relationship between AMLO and the legislative representatives of the upper and lower houses. The alliances that MORENA has established with conservative politicians show sterile results.

Alfonso Reyes, according to Gabriel Zaid, pointed out how harmful the subordination to the United States by Mexican politicians would be; the best thing would be to hand over the country to them so that once and for all they try to govern it seriously.

Dress up as a spy

Dress up as a spy
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
January 2020

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/01/31/V%C3%ADstete-de-esp%C3%ADa

Espionage is a natural condition of survival and adaptation. Surreptitiously looking at the actions of others is one of the oldest behaviors of humanity.

The hidden observation allowed social groups to exchange knowledge to survive. However, information constitutes a treasure that, like any source of power, decreases its capacity when it is generalized. Perhaps because of this, power tends to be encrypted, stored as far as possible and simulated to inhibit the depletion of its hegemony.

Spying is accompanied by secrecy, encryption, silence, masks and facades; the multiple and most varied militancy. This dynamic corresponds to the evolution and involution of humanity. Spy power, counterpower too. Infiltration and mutual understanding is mutual, and whoever keeps mental health against the terrifying aspect of supremacy wins. In all social spheres, espionage is a necessary element for control and change. Its main strategies are related to lies, darkness and deception, sometimes it may seem simple magic and trickery; in others, it deploys complicated mechanisms. Politics, as the Old Man of the Portal invented by Carlos Fuentes said, is a game of dumb, secrets, betrayals and sabotages.

What in the twentieth century, and perhaps now, is called intelligence, was a stealthy and covert condition for knowing in-depth contexts and accessing vital information in the field of geopolitics by the powers, generating the creation and destruction of broad regional, economic and human sectors. In the bipolar and then unipolar world, power remained spying and structuring a society of vigilance and control to maintain balance. Political society was born not only to inhibit human beings in their capacity for evil but also to spy and control.

A work has been published recently that deepens the topic of the Mexican extreme right in a historical and academic sense. Although phenomena such as monarchical conservatism, Christianity, sinarquism and the extreme right have allowed an approach to the issue of identity of the Mexican right, things are not clear and, therefore, texts such as Fernando M. González report better situation. Fractured Secrets Stamps of conspiracy Catholicism in Mexico (2019) by Editorial Herder, refers to the Jesuit habitus, which exceeds the abilities of study or leadership, and that includes, and above all, the ability to spy, conspire and exercise chaos where religious institutionalism Catholic always gets his way.

The work adds to other investigations by Fernando M. González on clerical pedophilia, corruption and illicit enrichment of characters such as Marcial Maciel and the Legionaries of Christ, as well as others whose roots come from spying, lying, infiltrating, conspiring and corrupting from time of the Cristero War, giving rise to various secret and reserved Catholic societies during most of the twentieth century in Mexico characterized by the Jesuit DNA. Therefore, what the author maintains in the theoretical framework that allows him to articulate his data is contradictory; While it is true that many of the structures described seem to be part of the prehistory of espionage and secrecy, Catholic fundamentalism continues to be one of the most important factual powers. One of the spy institutions par excellence is the Holy See and its Catholic nationalists who have allowed the extension of pedophilia, corruption and authoritarianism where Catholicism is the predominant religion. Even when society is undressed in the face of the current media and espionage technologies are extremely advanced, the old habits - judicial, according to the author - continue to set the standard for conservatism to be hegemonic.

Circumscribed the work to the experience of Catholic nationalism in Guadalajara, Jalisco, the information shared by the author goes beyond listing names, families, organizations, businesses, politics, violence and corruption. The regional study is a sample to understand the actions of the extreme right in Mexico and Latin America. As a good historian, the author renounces simplifying models used in the social sciences and, above all, journalism. However, as a psychologist, he also knows that theories and archetypes describe a reality that even when invisible is manifest. Everyone knows that there is no witchcraft, but that there are witches, there are.

The 4T government has suffered several attacks from internal and external groups that seek to force it not to leave the schemes that neoliberalism raised and that, perhaps, since World War II have been established. Jesuit geopolitics held Mexico hostage to the Holy See and the United States. The ideals of the Mexican revolution were contained by the structuring of the extreme right according to the anti-communist Catholicism of catacombs and, then, have not been corrected by the progressive structuring of Catholicism itself. The Jesuits owe a violent right and left, confessionals, spies and simulators.

The experience of education in Guadalajara is also the sample button to understand the country's school institutions. Education remains the eternal battlefield between conservative, classist, colonial and counter-reformist thinking against true and liberating enlightenment. Unfortunately, as the author maintains, in all cases militancy and recruitment matter more than academic probity. Education allows the incorporation of new elements into the ruling classes of the country as well as the exposure of the values, uses and customs that the social order keeps. From there you must understand the possibility of social change and modernization.

Samuel Schmidt had described the failed Mexican democracy as a supplanted state where factual powers (drug trafficking, religion and mass media) imposed government agendas and structured the social order. With all this, and despite greater scientific elements, Fernando M. González refuses to point out that the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy is the tail that moves the dog of social control in our country. His work provides significant data to understand the evolution of Jalisco Nazifascism, but leaves many questions unanswered. What is the meaning of so many discrete and reserved organizations? What is the purpose of thousands of confessional educational institutions? Why do Catholic nationalists infiltrate and spy on all elements of the social order? Why eliminate and hurt thousands of communists, opponents, dissidents and freethinkers? How did you become experts in defamation and persecution campaigns? Why does the clerical bureaucracy have so much economic power and appears attached to the business sector?

Finally, there are scandalous silences. Unveiling the catacombs of the extreme right does not imply recognizing that their time has run out, or that their mechanisms are no longer operational in today's society; they are the most public secret societies; but, also, those that have enormous potential for convocation, economic capacity and dark propaganda. The experience of the Rosicrucian Freemasonry and the different American security agencies, which allow their exposure when nothing can affect them, when they have the helm and have set a course, comes up; perhaps when, under the guise of denunciation, what they are really after is sending a message to their detractors and at the same time renewing their structures. Thus, with everything and its silences, the book indicates the magnitude of the Great Catholic Conspiracy.

Presidentialism: The disease of Latin American democracies

Presidentialism: The disease of Latin American democracies
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
2019 December

https://infoquorum.com/notas/2019/12/16/Opini%C3%B3n/Presidencialismo:_La_enfermedad_de_las_democracias_latinoamericanas_?fbclid=IwAR2CmtKWyoxnC4zMCuCzJ3fbaCLb85hbqWruiXDUbFJkr7xcA-L0b82EkdM

During an academic event to discuss the forms of government in Latin America held in one of the most progressive intellectual centers of the BUAP, several years ago, the intellectuals of the moment prochavistas and priistas guadalupanos, showed little tolerance or true bad education, when they were unable to listen and analyze a paper based on the hypothesis of Juan Linz regarding the inability of presidentialism to withstand the pressures of contexts such as Latin America. In the region, the difficulties of the presidential government intensified by economic stagnation, social clevages, drug trafficking and political factionalism must be recognized. Juan Linz's question continues to be important for any Latin American coup: If in 1973 Chile had been Parliamentary, would the coup d'etat have occurred? Beyond the revolutionary passions, intellectual divas and anti-imperialist nationalism, the answer is NO.

The fragility of the presidential scheme leads Linz to propose Parliamentarianism as an adequate form of confrontation between the Executive and Legislative Power, omitting the non-institutional participation of the Army, the Militia and Imperialisms.

This idea cannot be seriously discussed by the radical right or left. The Revolution and Counterrevolution do not understand constitutional engineering. The Revolution and Counterrevolution observe the legality to break it and destroy the other. The Right, above all, is the one that most sympathizes with the coup, military dictatorships and imperialist interventionism. Linz's own Spain suffered the political violence of clerofascism when Francoism dynamited, from abroad, the legitimate Spanish parliamentary republic.

The crisis of presidentialism has accompanied the democratic experiences of Latin America generating disagreements that always end in the revolution, coup d'etat or North American interventionism.

Mexico has been confronted with these scenarios since 1994, and the State Reform does not address the high probability of presidential failure outside the United States.

The Mexican left has finally taken part in the constitution of the government, and has to face the governance crises that Latin American presidentialism has. However, knowing how the story ends, the parliamentarization of presidentialism does not occur and the shielding of electoral legitimacy, as well as military loyalty, are only hollow forms.

The ghost of the Tragic Ten round and few perceive it, the traitors always keep the script of the time - they do not know how to do anything else - and bet on the disorder and chaos to get outside interventionism. The Right hopes, as in 1913, to raise its Victoriano Huerta so that the Holy See, Spain and the United States legitimize the lineage of the Creole Hispanic oligarchy.

López Obrador says he admires Benito Juárez, but increasingly he behaves more like Francisco I. Madero. Both are distinguished by a fervor of being martyrs that is not long before the North American Embassy, ​​the National Catholic Party - I mean, the National Action Party - and a Toral Lion, like them.

It is incomprehensible that, as in the Maderista government, President López Obrador considers the acts of the extreme right to be democratic, does not control the Army and yields so many spaces to his enemies.

President Madero never believed in Victoriano Huerta's betrayal, admitted that the press was critical and severe towards his person as never before and agreed with Catholic and Neoporfirist nationalists to rule innocently. In the end, in ten days, nobody came to defend or support him. His death was necessary to give free rein to the anarchy that benefits the business of war, to the grudges and envies so characteristic of Spanish-American DNA and bloodshed that reminds people, from time to time, how much value the lifetime.

Mexico does not need martyrs but leaders capable of making the necessary historical adjustments to improve structural conditions that reduce the gap between rich and poor, that end the pigment and promote evolutionary institutions. Neoliberalism remains buoyant and the interests of the Mafia del Poder have been affected at all.

Client support for popular social classes is useless, it is aspirin for cancer. If there are no expropriations, nationalizations and significant validation of the progressive discourse, Lopez Obrador's arrival to the presidency of the republic will have been of no avail. The initial triumphs of the 4T in nothing compare with the shameful capitulations that have happened later.

The experience of Puebla has been placed as an exemplary mode of the morenista project; However, it also reveals the moorings and liabilities that mark the National Regeneration Movement. A governor who takes the first photo of the moment with the Bishop, who leaves the far right in control of the main state agencies such as Social Development, Education, Governance, Infrastructure and Communications; the Legislative, Judicial Power, as well as the bureaucracy of the main local governments, only leads to consider Morena as a disabled government. It was wise to Ing. Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas when saying that AMLO has nothing to do with the Mexican Left.

Vox, the Spanish party of the Mexican extreme right, has the same behavior as Alfonso XIII, Ramiro de Maeztu or the Spanish Colony of the Madero era. Not to mention the generals who increasingly admire Victoriano Huerta, Augusto Pinochet or Francisco Franco. Only missing Henry Lane Wilson, Mister Danger, who longs for the oligarchy.

As a fortuitous and contradictory situation, the permanence of López Obrador depends on the permanence of Donald Trump; at least it does coincide with Benito Juárez.

The Mexican extreme right needs US foreign support; However, the United States has been able to understand that the storms unleashed by these groups, although at first they are a good business, over time are causes of serious problems that spread to North America. The French intervention in Mexico, the experience of the Second Empire, encouraged the strength and combativeness of the Confederate Army that almost won the Civil War of American Secession. The Christianity mobilized the Holy See that planted itself with great force in North American territory and then manipulated its foreign policy and government decisions. Neoliberalism has generated the largest emigration to North America, the Mexicanization of the American South that terrifies Samuel Huntington and George Friedmann. Of drug trafficking better or talk, there are the consequences of Posadas Ocampo. What would happen this time if they support the overthrow of López Obrador?

North America must promote the parliamentation of Latin America and Catholic nationalists must learn to be Mexican. It is true of Perogrullo that parliamentary models are able to digest intransigent multiparty systems and rhetoric better than presidentialism. Similarly, a character can remain in power widely without violating the characteristics of procedural democracy.

As for public policies, it is understood that Mexico is the backyard of one of the main superpowers and has to deal with the mode of implementation approved by the US executive. Newdealism now comes from North America and the right knows it; However, their selfishness, classism, ambition and religious belonging do not let them admit it. They prefer to abide by the Gay Lobby of the Holy See rather than understand the urgent need to be part of the social capital to save our country and a good part of the Latin American population.

If Donald Trump is collapsed by the Impeachment or loses the elections, López Obrador, like Vicente Fox, will remain in the dream of complete enchilada and absolute impotence.

Joy Langston has questioned the excess of the extreme right and her intellectual circles to confront President López Obrador. They are the first anti-democrats and democracies have the right to defend themselves. Benito Juarez fled and shot in the name of the Mexican republic and sovereignty, killed the clerofascist ideas with all the reason of an independent and victorious people of imperialism. The Mexican extreme right will continue to play Adolfo Hitler while the Weimar Republic, the loving republic, does not confront the historical enemies of the Mexican people.

Intermarium

https://www.jornada.com.mx/2019/08/09/opinion/016a2pol

Viernes 9 de agosto de 2019

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Intermarium

Maciek Wisniewski*

C

urioso cómo algunas ideas se niegan a morir. Cómo resurgen, mutan, cambian de piel y cobran nuevas vidas.

Aún más curioso cómo de repente aparecen, resuenan y dejan huella en contextos y lugares menos esperados.

Veamos por ejemplo el curioso –me sigo repitiendo por falta de mejor palabra− caso de Intermarium, una vieja idea geopolítica polaca que dada cierta faceta anticomunista/conservadora/católica inspiró –aunque debo admitir de modo sorprendente− a la ultraderecha mexicana (El Yunque) en el combate al comunismo, sus cruzadas anti-izquierdistas y su modelo del nacionalismo católico (véase: Samuel Schmidt Nedvedovich, Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero, Xóchitl Patricia Campos López, Intermarium: la estrategia anticomunista católica en el México del siglo XX, en: Albores, jul-dic 2018).

Todo incluso aún más sorprendente –me sigo repitiendo…− dado que Intermarium (bit.ly/2MMe8wT) fue mucho más que anticomunismo y lo católico en él era muy ambiguo.

Mię dzymorze −Entre Mares en polaco, latinizado como Intermarium− fue idea de una federación centroeuropea acuñada a principios del siglo XX por Józef Piłsudski (1867-1935), el líder nacional polaco, cuyas raíces se remontaban al siglo XVI y al legado multicultural de la Mancomunidad Polaco-Lituana y dinastía de los Jagiellon que gobernaba una amplia región entre tres mares: Adriático, Báltico y Negro (bit.ly/2ZFQmX2).

En sus ojos, tal federación –compuesta de Polonia, Lituania, Letonia, Estonia, Bielorrusia, Ucrania, Checoslovaquia, Hungría, Rumania, Yugoslavia y Finlandia− era un necesario contrapeso al imperialismo alemán y ruso y sus respectivos afanes colonialistas (Mitteleuropa). Garantizaría a Polonia también estatus de cierta potencia regional (véase: P. Okulewicz, Koncepcja ‘mię dzymorza’ w myś li i praktyce politycznej obozu J. Piłsudskiego w latach 1918-1926, Poznań 2001).

No obstante las complicadas relaciones de Polonia con Lituania y Ucrania –legado a su vez del colonialismo polaco−, una serie de internos conflictos territoriales –legado de la Primera Guerra Mundial (Versalles 1919/Trianion 1920)− falta de lazos económicos, las excesivas ambiciones polacas, la resistencia alemana y rusa, indiferencia del resto de Europa y finalmente los hechos –la Guerra Polaco-Bolchevique (1920)−, cancelaron toda la idea (posteriormente Polonia trataba de reanimarla en otros formatos).

En plano ideológico Intermariumiba acompañado de prometeismootra idea de Piłsudski de ir rompiendo a Rusia por costuras nacionales/étnicas (bit.ly/33hV0wx). El blanco final de esta elaborada –y poco exitosa− campaña nacionalista en la región fue la URSS, pero la estrategia nació todavía a fin de desmembrar al imperio de los tsaresen tiempos en que Piłsudski aún era un socialista (PPS), o sea, un zurdo, aunque de estos con deviaciones nacionalistas como lo denunciaba la propia R. Luxemburgo (SDKPiL).

Así que si de algo Intermarium es un ejemplo, no es de una exitosa estrategia anticomunista −ni de defensa de catolicismo−, sino de la histórica incapacidad de países centroeuropeos a formar un alternativo bloque regional y las falacias de buscarlo (pero bueno…).

Es aquí donde varios analistas sonaron alarma cuando hace tres años el ultraderechista gobierno polaco de Ley y Justicia (PiS) lanzó Iniciativa Tres Mares (Trójmorze) modelada en Intermarium que abarca a Polonia y a otros 11 países de la UE ubicados entre el Adriático, Báltico y el mar Negro (bit.ly/2TcMA53).

Si bien según PiS su objetivo es “construir alianza defensiva, fortalecer lazos comerciales y crear una ‘nueva identidad regional dentro de la UE’”, muchos lo vieron como proyecto competitivo a ésta y a la cooperación en materia de seguridad con Berlín. En ojos de T. Snyder –reconocido historiador de Europa Central y de periodo de entreguerras− Tres Mares, efectivamente divide a Europa y fortalece geopolíticamente sólo a Kremlin (bit.ly/2M6tOvc).

Aunque hoy el énfasis ideológico en la defensa de los valores católicoses clara −he aquí donde se perfila la oposición a Bruselas que según Varsovia o Budapest es promiscua culturalmente y permisivista hacia los refugiados− si nos remontamos a los 20/30 nada otro podría ser más equivocado. Piłsudski era contrario a la Iglesia, igual que su campo político, Sanacja; su principal rival en la derecha, Endecja por otro lado efectivamente era muy católico.

Una de curiosas –me vuelvo a repetir…− operaciones de PiS en los pasados años es casar estos dos irreconciliables campos y catolicizar a Piłsudski (véase: L. Koczanowicz, “ The polish case”, en: New Left Review 102, nov-dic 2016), algo que se ve reflejado también en su restreno de Intermarium.

El resultado del distanciamiento de Bruselas y Berlín para Polonia es mayor acercamiento con Washington, tanto en plano ideológico, como en materia de seguridad: PiS ya expresó un profundo deseo de tener una base estadunidense (Fort Trump) e incluso pagar por ella.

En vez de anticomunismo hoy el terreno común para la derecha es la xenofobia y el antimigrantismo. Intermarium en práctica –gracias a las ultrarrestrictivas políticas de la mayoría de sus gobiernos− es una zona libre de refugiados. Trump y la ultraderecha mexicana −que siempre parece estar tomando notas, aunque sea con la mano izquierda...− han de estar muriéndose de envidia.

* Periodista polaco

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Intermarium

Maciek Wisniewski*

Curious how some ideas refuse to die. How they resurface, mutate, change skin and take on new lives.

Even more bizarre how suddenly they appear, resonate and leave their mark in less expected contexts and places.

Take, for example, the bizarre - I keep repeating myself for a better word error - the case of Intermarium, an old Polish geopolitical idea that, given a certain anti-communist / conservative / catholic form inspired - although I must protect surprisingly - the Mexican extreme right (El Yunque) in the fight against communism, his anti-leftist crusades and his dummy of Catholic nationalism (see: Samuel Schmidt Nedvedovich, Diego Martín Velázquez Noble, Xóchitl Patricia Campos López, Intermarium: Catholic anti-communist logistics in 20th-century Mexico, at: Albores , Jul-Dec 2018).

Everything even more surprising - I keep repeating ... - hexahedron that Intermarium (bit.ly/2MMe8wT) was much more than anti-communism and the Catholic in it was very ambiguous.

Mię dzymorze - Between Mares in Polish, Latinized as Intermarium - was the idea of ​​a Central European pact coined at the beginning of the 20th century by Józef Piłsudski (1867-1935), the Polish domestic leader, whose roots went back to the 16th century and to the multicultural commissioner of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and Jagiellon dynasty that ruled a wide region between three seas: Adriatic, Baltic and Adverse (bit.ly/2ZFQmX2).

In the beginning, such a pact - composed of Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Belarus, Ukraine, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia and Finland - was a necessary counterweight to Aryan and Russian imperialism and their respective colonialist cares (Mitteleuropa). It would guarantee Poland still status of a certain regional power (see: P. Okulewicz, Koncepcja ‘mię dzymorza’ w myś li i praktyce politycznej obozu J. Piłsudskiego w latach 1918-1926, Poznań 2001).

Despite Poland's complicated relations with Lithuania and Ukraine - commissioned in turn of Polish colonialism - a series of internal territorial conflicts - commissioner of the First World Hostilities (Versailles 1919 / Trianion 1920) - error of economic ties, excessive ambitions Polish, the German and Russian resistor, indifference to the rest of Europe and finally the facts - the Polish-Communist Hostilities (1920) - canceled the whole idea (then Poland tried to revive it in other formats).

Ideally, Intermarium was accompanied by promising another Piłsudski idea of ​​breaking Russia by national / ethnic seams (bit.ly/33hV0wx). The final target of this elaborate - and unsuccessful - nationalist campaign in the region was the USSR, but logistics was still born in order to dismember the Tsares empire at a time when Piłsudski was still a socialist (PPS), that is, a sinister, although of these with nationalist deviations as denounced by R. Luxembourg (SDKPiL).

So if Intermarium is not an example, it is not from a successful anti-communist logistics - or defense of Catholicism - but from the historical inability of Central European countries to form an alternate regional group and the fallacies of looking for it (but well ...).

It is here that several analysts sounded scared when three ultra-right-wing Polish government of Law and Consciousness (PiS) launched the Three Seas Initiative (Trójmorze) modeled at Intermarium that invited Poland and 11 other EU countries located between the Adriatic, Baltic and the Adverse Sea (bit.ly/2TcMA53).

If, according to PiS, its objective is “to build a defensive alliance, to strengthen commercial ties and to create a‘ new regional identity within the EU ’”, many saw it as a competitive thesis for the latter and for security cooperation with Berlin. In fans of T. Snyder - grateful historian of Central Europe and the interwar period - Tres Mares, he effectively divides Europe and geopolitically strengthens only Kremlin (bit.ly/2M6tOvc).

Although today the ideological intensity in the defense of Catholic titles is clear - this is where the examination is outlined in Brussels that according to Warsaw or Budapest is culturally and permissive promiscuous around refugees - if we go back to 20/30 no other could Be more inaccurate Piłsudski was contrary to the Church, as was his political field, Sanacja; his main rival on the right, Endecja on the other hand was indeed very Catholic.

One of curious - I repeat myself ... - PiS operations in the past April is to marry these two irreconcilable fields and Catholicize Piłsudski (see: L. Koczanowicz, “The polish case”, in: New Left Review 102, Nov-Dec 2016), little that is still reflected in its Intermarium restreno.

The result of the distancing of Brussels and Berlin for Poland is a close rapprochement with Washington, both ideologically and in terms of security: PiS has already expressed a deep desire to have a North American pulpit (Fort Trump) and even satisfy for her.

Instead of anti-communism, today the popular contour for the right is chauvinism and antimigrantism. Intermarium in exercise - thanks to the ultra-restrictive policies of most of its governments - is an area fleeing from refugees. Trump and the Mexican extreme right - who always seems to be taking notes, even with his left hand ... - must be dying of envy.

* Polish journalist

https: //www.excurión.com.mx/2019/08/09/politica/016a2pol? partner = rss

2018: End of the Güeritocracy (Hispanocracy)?

2018: End of the Güeritocracy (Hispanocracy)?

May 28, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/05/28/2018-%C2%BFFin-de-la-G%C3%BCeritocracia

The world of show business affirmed: "the rich also cry". The mediated biography of Luis Miguel - one of the most important Ibero-American musical phenomena - evidences the sacrifice imposed by a social structure based on the caste system, resentment and envy, this model is the güeritocracy (Hispanocracy). Following the demographic study of INEGI on social mobility, the consequences of the inherited discrimination of the colonial period could be measured. During the Viceroyalty, having Spanish and white ancestry was synonymous with hegemony; while, the rest of the social castes, were condemned to the dispute by the hierarchy in an order that has remained stony. Little has changed the situation since then.

The Güeritocracy in Mexico can be a symbolic construction based on the reflections that this study generated. However, the social culture recognizes the rules of this structure. Due to the processes of colonization and conquest, a racial division developed in Mexico that links Catholic Hispanic whiteness with the best social strata and means of production while oppressing those who distance themselves from this social imaginary. It is in this sense that the "güeritos"(blondie), regardless of their abilities or belonging to aristocratic families, generally obtain positions of power. Each caste assumes the give and take that its role implies, there are historical adjustments but the extremes and the scale do not change. The counter-reformist regime subsists in architecture, beliefs and history.

The lack of a true liberal revolution in Mexico hurts generationally all social classes. Almost no one is saved, except who knows how to slide through social cleavages through tartufism, corruption and violence, as did the father of El Sol and the families that make up the oligarchy that owns the country.

France and England, after 1600 years of Constantine - Union between Religion and Politics - generated revolutionary paths to show that heaven is gained from here. In this way, the State appears as a lesser evil that can attenuate the valley of tears implied by existence; Thus, while the City of God endures in the limbo of the infinite, daily needs demand that people reconcile their interests, fears and passions. The fundamental myth of Christianity states that secularization is fundamental for transcendence, however, few religions have understood it and the West causes the disappearance of humanity by imbricating the Protestant and capitalist ethic.

The government of the State helps men to be saved from themselves. Contractualism and representation of social capital are unique tools to agree on the perpetuation of the species. This is the lesson that Mexico has not wanted to implement; State in our country is synonymous with protection of criminals, unfair trial, pedophilia, femicide, narco-politics, prostitution, etc. Constantineity must be limited in terms of human well-being.

The candidates for the presidency of the republic have expressed the urgency to reconstitute the Mexican State, it would be illogical if they did not say so! However, the differences in the way of implementing the political system have guided the political preferences of the people. Indeed, as the Güerito editorialists have acknowledged, there is a morenocracy that is outraged by the geopolitics. And as?! Will Luis Miguel know if his mother's experience was just? That Constantineity that claimed the right to fame to the musical Sun, is an absolute in Mexico. The kiriarcado caciquil of the Mexican revolution agreed with the uncompromising integral Catholicism, creating an anticommunist narrative, exclusive, decomposed, anti-Mexican that expresses well the PRIANRD.

In the second debate among the aspirants to the presidency, organized by the INE, the true political intention of the different candidates was notorious: a right that does not know what the State is for, oscillates between repressive violence, false nationalism and corruption Constantine; a PRI that is aware of the enormous diplomatic, political and economic effort necessary to rebuild relations with a country that -simply- no longer supports Mexico. But in the face of this, Meade does not assume the historical responsibility of his party and fails to establish how he will displace the corrupt kyriarchy that appointed him.

The offer of Morena, on the other hand, is limited when it proposes combat to the corruption and Welfare State; undoubtedly the speech is bland, but it is the most authentic against the Failed State in which the ungovernability and the oligarchy placed us. That has been enough for his candidate to benefit from the enormous indignation that the country is experiencing, because his proposals fight the pillars of historical Güeritocracy.

Güeritocracy that makes women a Marcela Bastieri or Malinche. Mentality that assumes the exclusion, racism and xenophobia to consider nationalism only the masculine-Hispanic manly Mexicanness. Rhetoric that considers the original peoples - browns-morenos-native- worse than the Nazis; However, he conceals that German National Socialism was based on Catholicism. Rude and haughty attitude to the different -like Anaya against the Peje or Margarita against Marichuy-, but submissive and cordial with the big capitals. Kyriarchy caciquil catholic that has expelled millions of Mexicans, which sustains its economy in exploitation, monopoly, drug trafficking and corruption. Technocracy region five, capable of producing only Mirreyes and Slaves. Constantineity unable to accept that the historical Christ, like the Virgin of Guadalupe, is moreno.

The National Regeneration Movement can reach the presidency of Mexico in the next elections, but the end of the geopolitical democracy does not depend on it; the country must change to look for its place in the concert of the countries and civilizations. The separation of the Constantineity is urgent so that the kiriarcado Hispanic caciquil catholic-the güeritocracy- finishes. In Mexico all fit and no one should escape the responsibility of integrating into a better future, the perverse system of colonial castes can not last a lifetime. Not even the United States has it and, for that reason, the US government demands that Mexico end its colonial order.

It is difficult to establish if a historical break in Mexico is approaching, even though it is time to leave the Middle Ages. Social mobility must not depend on the color of the skin, the caste system has to end, and the güeritocracy can no longer be our characteristic as a society.