The defeat of Bartlismo in Puebla

The defeat of Bartlismo in Puebla

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Political transfugismo has undermined the structure of political parties to promote factionalism and cliques as protagonists of the dispute for power. In Puebla, this phenomenon has characterized the electoral alternations and realignments from the Auxiliary Boards to the Executive Power. Factionalism was regularized by the existence of the Official Party (PRI), as soon as its institutionalization and cohesion weakened, personalisms resurfaced and began to recover their influence and hegemony to the detriment not only of the State Party but of government and social institutions.

Avilacamachismo has become one of the preponderant factionalisms in the entity, it is configured as a cacicazgo but it is also a social muégano that involves people, communities, intermediate bodies, educational and religious systems as well as public entities. During PRIATO's trajectory, presidents Adolfo Ruiz Cortínez, Luis Echeverría and Carlos Salinas de Gortari were opposed to the avilacamachista cacique interests by conscience or circumstance. Bartlismo is produced from these conditions, perhaps a clique that could be configured as an opposition bloc to Avilacamachismo given that it achieved government control on two occasions and was outlined as the way through which MORENA could retain ownership of the state executive power. Things have changed and the succession in Puebla is conditioned by the processes that Avilacamachismo is experiencing.

Rafael Moreno Valle tried to establish a Neoavilacamachismo that, linked to the Atlacomulco Group, would rise as a national faction: the Morenovallismo. The elevation was so high that the fall was terrible, but in Puebla the avilacamachista moorings remained solid and Bartlismo has not been able to weaken them, much less break them. Lopezobradorismo, like Cardenismo, has preferred pragmatic coexistence instead of confrontation and this leaves Bartlismo and Morena in the orphanage.

Moreno Valle sought a factionalist emancipation that resulted in conflicts for the Avilacamachismo, the Atlacomulco Group and the PAN against the succession of 2018. Even the Lopezobradorismo considered the alternation in Puebla through the split of the avilacamachistas, the confrontation with the morenovallistas was total and Finally, Morena reached the state government with the connivance of some avilacamachistas and even morenovallistas. Hence, the succession in Puebla follows this canon while Bartlismo and other morenista groups operate in a weakened and ineffective way. Raymundo García García considered Bartlism, in its marine dimension, as a "diminished, parochial, pedestrian, porril, cacique elite, without vision regarding public administration and modernization." There are many similarities with the avilacamachistas, although for some, there are also significant differences. The truth is that in the face of Bart's lack of power, certain followers still preferred integration with the avilacamachismos modernized by morenovallismo. The Bartlismo that was represented with the presidential superdelegation resulted in looting, abuse and inefficiency. The Federal Delegation was the great lost opportunity not only of Bartlism but also of the Fourth Transformation.

Avilacamachismo takes control in Puebla under the consent of Lopezobradorismo, as in the times of General Lázaro Cárdenas. The avilamachista vertex is now represented by the far-right mayor of the capital who, despite the presidential criticism, should not be forgotten that it was the first perspective considered by Morena to confront morenovallismo. The PRIANRD under the route of pragmatic multiparty alliances, as well as a deeply divided Morena party with no preponderant factions in sight, constitutes the ideal path for the Avilacamachista Family -of which the state government is also a part- to remain in the control of the entity.

The dark shadow of Lopezobradorismo, as well as the dark shadow of Cardenismo, makes Puebla one of the most backward states in the country. Social indicators never improve significantly. The cacicazgo is maintained through the provost of other regional, administrative and corporate caciquisms that enjoy full health within the state, the public administration and other social bodies.

What changes in Puebla are the indicators of anomies and pathologies, each six-year period they increase for the benefit of the avilacamachista muégano.

Image 1. Avilacamachismo 

Source.  Pansters, W. G. (1998) Política y poder en Puebla. Formación y ocaso del cacicazgo avilacamachista, 1937-1987. México, D.F. y Puebla: Fondo de Cultura Económica y Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla

Moreno Valle: Plot against Mexico

Moreno Valle: Plot against Mexico

July 14, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/07/14/Moreno-Valle-Complot-contra-M%C3%A9xico

FRAUDE ELECTORAL EN PUEBLA 

The poblano cacique responsible for the violence that stained the electoral day in July 2018, has tried to show himself as the "glorious General" that the groups of the Mexican right yearns for. In the new dispute over the leadership of the National Action Party, Moreno Valle brings together the most characteristic cynicism, corruption, violence and classism of the Mexican conservative oligarchy. Moreno Valle seeks to retain Puebla as an economic and political springboard of his future aspirations. His dominion in the entity is based on the structuring of a cacique corporatism that has its origin in the "Pact of Honor and Justice" signed by Maximino Ávila Camacho -Cid Campeador de los Poblanos de Puebla-.

Ernesto Zedillo did not stop Roberto Madrazo, the result was a constant weakness throughout his six years and the rise of the Atlacomulco Group. Zedillo held out against ungovernability every day of his term and needed to hand over power to the opposition to maintain a space of influence. Vicente Fox did not tolerate the Yucatan cacique Cervera Pacheco; However, he let other feudal lords play behind his back, his government was transformed into full impotence. The situation was uncomfortable for both presidents; not to say for others, the Mexican society became a hostage of the powers that be. The feudalism of the governors ended up prostrating the nation.

López Obrador would commit suicide if he does not confront Moreno Valle. AMLO has been victim - like most of the Mexicans -, since always, of the racism, dispossession and terrorism that distinguishes this type of cliques. If Morena and the progressive groups that collaborate with the lopezobradorismo do not focus on stopping the neo-fascist movement that takes place in Puebla under the baton of the Morenovallismo, it is necessary that they prepare then for any scenario: from the assassination to the coup d'état. It is not the first time that the conservative oligarchic groups in Puebla intend to destroy the republic, their opposition to liberal and social advances is systematic, their preference for dictatorial leaders is common and their attitude undemocratic permanent. There is the same experience of Maximino Ávila Camacho who, even after death, kept causing problems until his political group reached the presidency of the republic. If the avilacamachismo had been annihilated in the best way, maybe until October 2, 1968 it would have been avoided.

The neoavilacamachismo brings together the same clerofascist, hispanist, lebanese and huachicolero groups that will do everything possible to make the new government of the country fail. The reactionary Puebla will resign, with all its forces, against Mexico. There is, again, Maximino Ávila Camacho and his Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, the sinister Señor Jenkins and his Smart privatization projects, Pablo Vázquez Vizcaino and his white guards who give testimony and hope to the uncompromising integral Catholicism. Moreno Valle is an expert in destroying democracy, for nothing he valued the trust that the citizenship gave in 2010. He immediately put aside the citizen projects and the good faith of those who voted against the PRI. However, no one can be called naive or deceived; there was the story of an oppressive lineage. Families like this, do not change. Several times we have seen in the contemporary epoch of Puebla the way in which the norms of power are fulfilled; José Alarcón Hernández has been more transparent than any institutionalist political philosopher and electoral philosopher who intends to defend the IEE.

What does López Obrador have to do? It must confront a conservative structure of power, a confessional oligarchy that preserves its lineages and beliefs since colonial times. If Andrés Manuel López Obrador forgets Puebla, this would bring several problems to the country. If, like General Lázaro Cárdenas, allows the neoavilacamachismo to consolidate, it will be setting the tone for the embryo of the conservative ivy to spread again. Not correcting things in Puebla means that soon a Diaz Ordaz comes to the presidency of the republic.

The word of AMLO must be fulfilled in Puebla, Mexico is obliged not to forget the entity. The future of the country demands that cacicazgos such as the Morenovallismo and its cliques be eliminated.