Auxiliary Boards and Municipal Federalism in Puebla

 Auxiliary Boards and Municipal Federalism in Puebla

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The PAN bench in the state Legislature has promoted one of the important issues, although not very significant for the interests of the local political system. Within the principles that founded the Blue and White opposition, federalism was essential, which is logical in a context of a centralist Hegemonic Party where local governments with different political preferences were systematically blocked. For decades, the few PAN councils where it was inevitable to recognize the transparency of the electoral results were ignored and their administrations tried to be efficient to generate a favorable political trend, especially in the cities where the PAN sought the vote of the conservative middle class. PAN federalism has been changing as state governments and national power reached, the ideas of opposition were accommodating the PRI turncoat, chiefdom and federalist centralism.

 The theory of rational choice and liberal democracy, indicate that the ideal is to create new municipalities and allow subordinate communities to emancipate the heads. The Auxiliary Boards in the municipality of Puebla must be constituted as municipalities, because that is what they were, because they more than meet the requirements of the Municipal Organic Law, because the vassalage to which they are subjected is immoral. The history of chiefdom, authoritarianism, racism and discrimination; it goes through the despotism exercised by the municipal heads to the subordinate communities. However, PRI legislators from different political parties have always preferred to develop the socioeconomic structure that feeds the hegemony of the Pueblan oligarchy instead of promoting art. 115 constitutional with all its forces.

In Puebla and Mexico, creating new municipalities would be synonymous with ending chiefdom, clientelism, and the politics of poverty. Maria Amparo Cassar, Mauricio Merino, Enrique Cabrero and many more, in Puebla the role of Doctor César Musalem Jop should be highlighted, they have developed technologies and arguments to justify the creation of more municipalities or federal tax laws that oblige mayors to share proportionally the shares, resources and obligations with subordinate authorities. Puebla and Tlaxcala have legal recognition for the subordinate communities of the municipalities - What a relief! - In other states the issue may be more serious: the citizens of the auxiliary boards do not exist.

The federalist debate proposed by the PAN is significant, I hope that the legislators of his faction take the issue seriously and can finally do something more than a trivial montage. Of the Local Congress, as a whole, it can only be said that it is a perfidious entity against the municipalities and federalism in Puebla. Municipalizing, instead of privatizing, can be realistic to build an authentic opposition discourse. Politics and business are different things, at the local level is where the perverse confusion of both identities causes terrible damage: water, cleaning, security, lighting..., not everything can be solved through outsourcing. The managerial mentality in public affairs only means black market.

The number of municipalities that Mexico and Puebla have, as extensive as it may seem, is negligible compared to the size of local governments that consolidated democracies have. The United States and France are simple samples, but even the same Spain that Hispanic Creoles like so much can be taken as an example. Is the administrative malfunction of the Resurrection or Canoa really more serious for the municipality of Puebla than the white and corrupt elephant called IMPLAN? Doesn't the capital of Puebla deserve a local government based on Mayors or Delegations instead of a municipal administration that can less every day because the growth of the City is more than expansive? That the auxiliary authorities are human traffickers or drug traffickers, only shows that the legislators of Puebla do not know the cacicazgos of the interior of the state nor the corruption and incompetence that the municipal public accounts mean year after year; there is the design of planned failure. Or perhaps they know him to the extent that they lobby him and know how to take advantage of it. Some PAN mayors of Puebla capital and the metropolitan area, in the past, have made courageous and admirable federalist decisions that the oligarchic Congress has been throwing down. The current PAN members should learn from them, who every day identify more with the Barbosista and/or Morenovallista government instead of the nostalgic Gomezmorinian ideal. The pragmatic PAN may be right in the behavior of survival, but we already know how Faustian soap operas of submission end with the governor in office.

Democratic consolidation needs a deep reflection on the municipalities, the discussion in Puebla cannot wait any longer. Beyond progressive issues, the legislative agenda must not ignore the (glocal) municipal debate, municipalities must also become postmodern in the face of a runaway post-Covid world.

Puebla. Perpetual political violence

 Puebla. Perpetual political violence

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

What happened in Tecamachalco cannot be evaded as a sign of the radical competition and frontal struggle for power that the entity is experiencing. Times are filled with violence every time a government succession looms and, unfortunately, rudeness is transmitted to society, which is also shattered. Puebla is, each government period, more montuna, peasant, caciquil, poor.

The deceased analyst, Dr. Raymundo García, stated that the conflicts for control of Puebla were led by two types of PRI members: those who were entrusted to the Federal District and those who protected local interests. Ceteris Paribus, the criterion continues to adjust to reality. At the same time, the solution also takes effect: Order! Even if it comes from the center; it is exposed in another work of central importance to understand local politics.

How much disorder are poblanos capable of supporting? Much. Like all Mexicans. So long, until the victims are members of the political class. The disorder does not support the caciques.

The force that the political cliques use to resolve their differences results in the fall of socioeconomic indicators, in the incompetence of public policies, deinstitutionalization and the charismatic horror of the actors who represent the authority.

As a result of morenovallismo, violence in the entity has increased exponentially. But who can say that he was not morenovallista? If the violence were the product of the death throes of Morenovallismo, the state of things would be understood; However, what represents the level of terror that things reach, is a political struggle and factional struggle where Moreno-Valles is no longer the protagonist. They are the historical leaderships that are presumed indispensable, but that have led Puebla down the path of impoverishment. The State continues to lose everything in front of Tlaxcala and Veracruz, the sentence of "die intelligence" remains the core.

As in any struggle, the animosity of the protagonists makes them lose sight of the urgent need to rebuild democratic governance. Political institutions have not been transformed in Puebla, which implies that scenarios such as Zacatecas, Guerrero, Tamaulipas or Sinaloa, will soon become our paradigm.

Caciques in Puebla, with permission to operate

Caciques in Puebla, with permission to operate: The Coyomeapan conflict, an example

The results of the elections show that the chiefdom system in Puebla, formed from Avilacamachismo, is still in force and gives scope for authoritarian governments to develop

By El Ciudadano Mexico

By Gabriela Hernández / El Ciudadano Newsroom

Puebla, Puebla, Since the early hours of October 15, more than 5,000 residents of the 44 indigenous communities of Coyomeapan gathered in the municipal seat to block road accesses and prevent Mayor Rodolfo García López, elected by the Labor Party (PT), take a protest in that town.

The elected mayor, husband of the PT federal deputy Araceli Celestino Rosas, had to take office at the Centro Integral de Servicios (CIS) of Ajalpan, some 55 kilometers away from the community that is supposed to have elected him.

At a rally, which they held after marching through the streets of that town, the residents warned that they do not mind being imprisoned and, even giving their lives, for this fight against the chiefdom that the Celestino Rosas family has imposed on those lands for more 11 years old.

The federal deputy for Morena, Inés Parra Juárez, says that what is happening in Coyomeapan is the -historic demonstration in Puebla- of an organized people that resists being governed by a political group that has abused power and enriched itself at the expense of the poverty of the settlers.

However, the Celestino was not the only caciquil group that won the June 6 elections in Puebla. Some of them will govern for three more years, after being nominated by Morena, the party that promised to fight the vices of the "old regime."

What about the regional chiefdoms?

Gerardo Domínguez, Morena's state councilor, points out that, in this entity, regional chiefdoms that previously fought President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, now show themselves as the representatives of the Fourth Transformation.

Coyomeapan, he explains, is emblematic, since four residents who are workers are now in prison for protesting against the Celestino, while that caciquil group, which in the past was an opposition, today assumes itself as an ally of the President.

And although in Article 3, section f, of the Morena statute, it is warned that this party will fight "the perpetuation in office", in the municipalities of Tlatlauquitepec and Teziutlán, Porfirio Loeza Aguilar and Carlos Enrique Peredo Grau, respectively, took a protest as mayors for the fourth time after having been candidates for the cherry party.

Another case is that of Eloxochitlán

The same occurs in Eloxochitlán, the poorest municipality in Puebla, where the brothers Delfino and Honor Hernández Hernández have taken turns as municipal presidency since 2014 and began a third term with the support of the PT, a political ally of lopezobradorism.

Domínguez affirms that this derived from the distribution of candidacies where the party bases were displaced by external profiles that turned out to be the worst the PRI and the PAN. In addition, he assures, because the interest of Governor Miguel Barbosa Huerta prevailed in strengthening the chiefdom system of the entity to control the regions.

A current system in Puebla

Political scientist Daniel Velázquez Caballero, author of the book Political Transfuguismo en Mixteca Poblana, agrees that the results of the elections show that the chiefdom system in Puebla, formed from Avilacamachismo, is still in force.

“They are volatile alliances, very pragmatic, economic”, explains the academic, “but they give scope for authoritarian governments to develop at the local level on many occasions and in recent years dedicated to crimes such as theft of gasoline, human trafficking and even drug trafficking "

Daniel Velázquez Caballero

Political scientist

Governor Rafael Moreno Valle, the political scientist exposes, attempted during his tenure a “neo-avilacamachismo” with a poly-party alliance.

«That structure was used and submitted to motivate his career towards the presidency of the Republic, when the tragedy happens, which ends with his life and that of his partner, the governor Martha Erika Alonso, that structure remains there and now we see that adapts ”

Daniel Velázquez Caballero

Political scientist

Extract from the report published in the most recent issue of Proceso

elciudadano.com

Miguel Barbosa and the Whitexicans

Miguel Barbosa and the Whitexicans

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
25/05/2020
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/05/25/Miguel-Barbosa-y-los-Whitexicans

Puebla has been living, for a couple of years, a conflict that, in an increasingly constant way, seems to lead to ungovernability and disorder. Morenovallismo tried to found a neo-avilacamachismo based on an authoritarian consensus that forgot about the changes in consciousness and structure that the country has experienced. With everything and the jacket of political alternation, technocratic caciquismo did not have enough political and economic resources to consolidate a route to national political power. Circumstances forced morenovallismo to defend, with serious violence, the spaces that, eccentrically, it considered to be its forerunner. Fate eliminated the possibility of neo-avilacamachismo and also generated a fragmentation of the old cliques, survivors and widows who, apparently, still remain in radical competition where they increasingly forget about politics and align themselves in purges that aggravate the situation. from Puebla.

The tacit agreement of these cliques is to prevent the construction of a democratic regime in the state. Factions only tend to multiply and show who is the best traitor. Stability, equity, justice, security, growth and development, move away from our environment.

The authoritarian modernization of Morenovallismo left the entity in a critical situation. An unjust centralization, prone to looting, abuse and dispossession, hurt the municipalities and regions that, since then, have been victims of crime, emigration, poverty and misgovernment.

After the rugged electoral process that allowed MORENA to gain control of the executive and legislative powers, far from reducing the aforementioned situation, it has done everything to make things worse. The state government is solely responsible, since its policy of alliances and administrative laziness, generates the scene of a social nightmare.

Miguel Barbosa cannot accuse the Right of a dirty war when he has decided to make them part of his government and agree with them on future candidacies and economic policies. Barbosa is more an ally of Claudio X. González, Ricardo Salinas and the PRIANRD mafia, than a politician aware of the social project with which MORENA became president of the republic. The state executive is increasingly distancing himself from AMLO and incorporating collaborators from the coup trend against the Mexican Republic. His criticisms of the Reaction are ridiculous because he has filled entire Departments of public administration with reactionaries, he is confronted with the ghost of morenovallismo but with some of the surviving factions he aspires to control the state. And still wondering why things go wrong? It would be necessary to ask the governor why he wants to harm the presidency of the republic? Are the falcon cherubs singing to him that he can replace AMLO? Have the whitexicans already told you that he looks like Benito Juárez? Hopefully he will learn from the examples of Mario Marín and Moreno Valle. They are always the same.

Puebla will be one of the entities most affected by COVID-19 in all aspects, of that size will be its contribution to the national crisis. The responsibility does not lie with the Federation, the fault lies with Miguel Barbosa for deviating from the 4T project and confronting the President of the Republic. The state government cannot hide that it has agreed with the "whitexicans", that amalgam of religious fundamentalisms, gender radicalisms, business anarchisms and oligarchic separatists.

The lack of support in Puebla for the Federation's measures is a mistake. It is a vile not to join the enormous work that the economic reconstruction of the state and the country requires, just because the detachment from the 4T allows a consideration that those who "historically" have betrayed Mexico. The political polarization of the last years in the entity has not allowed education, industry, justice, transportation, health and employment to function at minimum levels. In front of COVID-19 Puebla is in an alarming situation. Not even the Puebla immigrants in the US, who are among the most affected groups, have received condescension from the government. While politics here destroys everything, they support the economy without complaint. The state public administration is engaged in black campaigning, self-sabotage, corruption, and survival at any cost.

This emergency requires a lot of work, consensus and collaboration with society. If Mexico sinks, no coup d'etat will save Puebla. Our entity requires governance, public policies, social work, wealth distribution, and health care. Authoritarian decrees are equivalent to demonstrating the voluntary disorganization that prevails in the state government. Miguel Barbosa has fallen into the fascist blindness and seems to anticipate the "Year of Hidalgo" that many opportunists of the bureaucracy yearn to be part of the corrupt oligarchy.

Humanity has a Hobbesian test in front of it that has been treated with a lot of irresponsibility in Puebla, the state public administration is not working and it is dishonest to join separatists and coup leaders. No right-wing government will be able to sustain the country if the republic falls, no government will be left standing if the cartels decide to take control of things in the face of the anarchic famine that has appeared in various places since the narco-war. Mexico is more than united to the economic policy of the United States, Puebla is not outside of Mexico. This is not the time for the whitexicans to form their country "Maria Auxiliadora", the approaching humanitarian crisis in America - the continent - forces republican unity to understand national geopolitics. Hopefully time will not reach us anymore.

Puebla: the eternal avilacamachista

Puebla: the eternal avilacamachista

(...) We are talking with our hearts in our hands, Hilario, not with good phrases to deceive people. Neither you nor me claims the country. They complain to us (leaving aside three or four fools and three or four deluded ones) the groups of conveners who go hunting for a hook to hang on; that is, three or four bands of politicians ... Duties to the country !?

Ignacio Aguirre

http://infoquorum.com/notas/2019/04/09/Opini%C3%B3n/Puebla:_el_eterno_avilacamachista?fbclid=IwAR1KC1ZIZuKr0FvsyfafvMWXS7B4VHYYuaZMwlcFpkDnJt53QxVR6oGWsks

Even though the political alternation was installed in the entity since 2010 at the Governmental level, the truth is that a political devolution predominates that shows a presence of the oligarchies of always and the null possibilities for the subaltern and popular groups to find a channel to meet their needs. needs

While it was thought that political devolution would constitute a temporary stage - albeit a long one - of political practice, while the historical ruptures were generated in order to create institutions that would configure the new spectrum of democratic forces; what has happened is the consolidation of an oligarchic pragmatic system that uses the parties as mere franchises.

The turncoat has become in a herds of wolves in sheep's clothing so that the historical cliques that have sustained the political power; but, above all, economic and social, they should be maintained and reproduced. After the defeat of the Hegemonic Party, the rules of succession became a cannibalism that has nothing to do with electoral competition. The end of the PRI allowed the return of the violent factionalism of the early twentieth century in Mexico. Then, as now, aggressive factionalism generates ungovernability and weakening of institutions.

Puebla leads an oligarchic family dispute where society always loses.

At least three avilacamachismo tendencies compete: gringos, morenos and revolutionaries.

The scale of appearance indicates that, probably, Morena reaches the governorship; However, given the transfuguism that has been a constant since December of last year, avilacamachismo and neoavilacamachismo will remain.

The problem of the transfuguism is not that it generates constant and unpredictable electoral realignments but ends up by empowering the factions or cliques and de-institutionalizing the government and parties. There is a common core that few perceive, the node from which the privileges and prebends are distributed to the members of the oligarchy.

The defeat or triumph of some clique does not mean much difference, the nucleus is invisible and maintains control. If all the political groups are linked to the longest-lived probostazgo in local history; Then, there are no real alternatives.

A clear example is the experiences in the City Councils and the Legislative Power; the representatives of Morena have not changed a minimum element of the old regime. What is the use of governing the most important municipalities of the State? When will the infamous legislative decisions of the past be modified in municipal matters, of control and security? At what point will the obscure judiciary, the security apparatuses and the public administration as a whole be restructured?

It seems that Puebla is going through a velvet transition, which is nothing more than a transition that has been negotiated. Morena has gone from being the Juan Preciado of "Llano en llamas" to the party that everyone wants as a civic model of Puebla, unfortunately this has meant the incorporation of all kinds of forces without any regard and, most of the time, over the authentic citizen bases and networks. If they really won the 2018 local elections, why do they need alliances with those who dominate elections through belly politics?

The avilacamachismo gringo only fulfills its historical function: represent the interests of Mister Danger.

In Puebla, its role is known during the revolutionary process, a partner of avilacamachism and a trigger for emigration and poverty that is not part of Civil Society. It is one of the pillars of local authoritarianism and surrounds itself with the conservative groups that refined the harsh lineage that brought the founding leader. It made room for morenovallismo and tried to promote it as one of the national alternatives. It completed the political alternation in the entity but it used the transfuguismo to the maximum. It is the space from which mainly the paintings that Morena is integrating come out.

The avilacamachismo revolutionary maintains the cacique corporate structure of the old official party; however, he is aware that absolute victories will not come back. It also builds bridges with Morena and many of its leaders zigzag with electoral structures sold to the highest bidder. Now that the polarization of the last electoral contest seems to have ended, it initiates a transfer of cliques similar to a derby that disappoints. The party that wins the elections has the right to form a plural government with elements of diverse political affiliation; However, an electoral contest supposes a dialectic of governance models and public policies. Elections where the options imply ratification are a fraud, a simulation of those that were abundant in Mexico and Puebla. What does Morena offer now for Puebla? What is your difference with the Neoavilacamachismo that was tried to forge from the PAN?

Political parties must seek their ideological and militant definition. If the turncoat party continues unchecked, the institutes end up approved and subtract greater sovereignty to the town and its citizens. There is still time for the political alternation in Puebla to take place and, finally, to skip the authoritarian and oligarchic stage that distinguishes it.

Puebla, the order although it comes from the center

Puebla, the order although it comes from the center
January 9, 2019

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/01/09/Puebla-el-orden-aunque-venga-del-centro?fbclid=IwAR2i6d5ct10xYsLw_jW0gly2jTKJ6B5tpKkkm6WtgPct_GLM4CtfEx4k_RA

One of the main scholars of the elections in Puebla, Dr. Víctor Reynoso (1997), wrote some years ago about the institutional informality that was impelled in the entity in order to achieve control, stability and order for the historical social conflict between conservatives , liberals and progressives. The title that heads this column refers to this academic work that took the meaning of a popular expression regarding the local inability to generate stable governments. Several years later it seems that Puebla is in the same circumstances and with the same people. Order was lost and there are many shared responsibilities.

Puebla is - essentially - conservative and any modernization awakens the monsters of the identity quarrels. Progress and modernity are desirable phenomena; but, not at any cost and, either, in any way. From there, we must see the impulse that led to morenovallismo to power, its actions, conflicts and tragedies. The morenovallismo did not want to be a neoavilacamachismo, it lacked, or it left him, time, means, public work, consensus, legitimacy, violence. You will never know.

Morenovallismo does not constitute the nucleus of the black box of the political system of Puebla. However, the disappearance of the character that represented it is not similar to the figure of Maximino Ávila Camacho, this yes, structuring a series of elements and balances that achieved cohesion and persistence to conserve power in Puebla, as well as reach the national level . Now, avilacamachismo is restructuring itself to survive in the context of the Fourth Transformation.

Morenovallismo, in fact, was imposed on most of the actors and even sought to subdue the avilacamachismo and change the weights. This is the reason why, in their absence, the factions seek to survive and adapt to the circumstances of the regime. However, there is something in both phenomena that coincide with territorial power: its capacity to generate conflicts. In the immediate history of Puebla that was the characteristic of the political group that built the "Pact of Honor and Justice" in the first half of the Mexican XX century. Currently, it seems that this anarchic era emerges with all its strength. The same academic asked Morenovallismo, recently, in reference to the disputed local elections of 2018: "Does that democracy want?"

The local history shows that Puebla maintains a factionalism that produces radical struggles. The avilacamachismo was controlled, and the state also, with three governors emanating from the presidential orbit in the era of the Hegemonic Party outside the entity. Should something similar happen in the contemporary era to find order and peace?

The avilacamachismo can agree with the federal government. The disappearance of the morenovallismo, from this perspective, does not move away the possibility of other protagonisms and intermediations. Puebla requires a "Table for Peace" before elections. It is urgent because Tyrians and Trojans, Moors and Christians, do not cease in their attempts to rival the extreme, forgetting that the fracture of past elections can lead to something else. In such a context, we all lose. No growth, no development, no social justice. Coexistence or non-existence. The historical actors and with true moral height could hasten a dialogue of this type. Local political succession implies a mediation between regional and national power. Puebla has really serious problems in terms of poverty, security, emigration, economic growth, health and, above all, planning.

Unkept promises

Unkept promises
December 21, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/12/21/Promesas-Incumplidas?fbclid=IwAR2i6d5ct10xYsLw_jW0gly2jTKJ6B5tpKkkm6WtgPct_GLM4CtfEx4k_RA

The political concertacesiones evidence the limits of the fourth transformation. There is a comparison between Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Francisco I. Madero that may have a similar result: the conviction regarding a moral leadership as a sufficient element to change Mexico. There is no doubt that both characters have made the deepest and most honest diagnoses in relation to the national situation; However, as Catherine Mansell points out, they reflect a noble spirit that refuses to assert itself in the matter.

The people abandoned Francisco I. Madero when he entered the labyrinth of political indecision. Sometimes it is thought that Madero was the apostle of democracy that Mexico did not understand. It is difficult to believe that in the days of the Tragic Tenth no contingent came to his aid. Other occasions, one comes to consider that Madero was an enlightened one whose immolation would awaken the true national spirit; However, the martyrdom of the caudillo ended up causing enormous suffering. Will the revolutionary Quijote project ever be understood? Society moved away when the Maderismo sought its benefit and the licensing of the real agents of social transformation. That is why General Emiliano Zapata pronounced the Plan of Ayala and his metaphysical odyssey will ride the first year of this six-year term.

The utopia of a just, legal, democratic and peaceful Mexico has found a wall in the ambivalent mode of some distinguished members of MORENA who corral the main changes in the configuration of the new regime. Emilio Olivier Fernandez affirmed that Mexican politics only knows how to conjugate a verb: early morning. And that is what they are doing to the fourth transformation.

MORENA comes to power with the structural weakness of change without rupture. The Maderismo could not govern and generated a revolution that took everything: the good and the bad. It took the Official Party more than thirty years to consolidate to "blood and fire" the discipline of a Revolutionary Family as well as institutions. The collaborative factionalism was not democratic, but it established a governability and control that, nevertheless, generated a healthy partisan behavior to the political system; at least, even before the neoliberal arrival.

The divisions, leadership, conflicts and opportunism within MORENA will result in situations such as those of the Judiciary, the Senate and local governments. The fourth transformation faces disciplined, institutionalized organizations, consolidated in a series of prejudices and habits that are forming a serious opposition willing to conquer the legislative power, the states and the presidency of the republic; before the end of the sexennium. MORENA is limited to MORENA, in the membership of the movement there are many contradictions -properties of the left-; but, also, derived from opportunism and internal betrayals more than the charismatic leader, the people who supported the fourth transformation. At this rate, society will be in the worst orphanage and the state of violence will be permanent.

AMLO's eschatology begins to crash into reality. The pricomunistas, political turncoats, reborn and organic intellectuals who affirmed themselves as the militia of the national regeneration, are preferring the nicodemicas relations with the powers that be. The high expectations that led to a certain political option implied a break and; Paradoxically, the Morenoites are selecting the opposite.

In the first weeks of the new government, distinguished members of Morena have shown the worst mood of conspiracy and pragmatism, they forget the cost of disappointments and betrayals. Neither utopian nor pragmatic, Mexico needs a capable, strong, competent, nationalist and coherent government. Without results, without partisan discipline, without true loyalty to the People, the lopezobradorismo will become a Church without believers and the country now will be on the cliff. Governance requires decisions, a thermidor that shapes a new Mexico and removes the pathologies that overwhelm our society.

MARTHA TRUMP

Martha Trump

September 2, 2018

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/09/02/Martha-Trump

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The way in which digital messages ex-candidate PAN Martha Ericka Alonso has been unfortunate. The permanent form of aggression and evasion that contain their ideas, shows an authoritarian and classist personality. Beyond marketing, its way of dealing with sensitive issues in the region has little tact and humanity. It is obvious that he intends a style similar to that of the American president.

The lynching in Puebla, over the last few years, is the direct responsibility of the Morenovallismo. The neoavilacamachista clique that agreed with the ultra-right of Puebla the alternation in 2010, has been dedicated to dismantling and destroying the political institutions and municipalities of the entity. Gentrification, plundering, dispossession, fraud, extortion, neoextractivism and looting, have been the guidelines of the PAN governments in Puebla and, therefore, the morenovallismo far surpassed the marinismo.

In 2003, when Vicente Fox promoted the recognition of Mexican emigrants in the United States of America, the town of San Vicente Boquerón was placed as a model of self-government and solidarity thanks to its emigrants. The Club "Grupo Unión" (Esquivel, 2003) has promoted all the things that governments -in their three levels- have forgotten and failed to do. The natives of this community that moved to North America have subsidized drains, ambulances, schools, musical bands, patron saints, hospitals, collective transport, road infrastructure, etc. There are the works of some serious migrantologists (Gustavo López Ángel and Liliana Rivera) who can account for the enormous social capital that has developed in this community and in other localities, auxiliary boards, ranches and colonies that only have migrants to survive . Other studies were even designed, from there, to structure the 3x1 federal policy. Later, Foxism itself tried to hurt this community through a neoextractivist project of which they defended themselves heroically and ended up, finally, abandoning them. And, still, the aristocratic panismo dares to say that the City Council of Acatlán de Osorio is surpassed? In the Mixteca Poblana there is no government, it is a huge Comala where the Morenovallismo agreed with Pedro Páramo.

Ignorance of state government and panism is unbearable because it is not ignorance; It is cynicism. The issue of the approval of municipal public accounts by the local legislature delineates this point. A former PAN municipal president who dragged administrative processes of financial responsibility a little over a decade ago, was visited to conculcarlo to propose a party in his town party to fragment the vote and support Martha Ericka, to do so, they guaranteed the approval of their accounts public ... .., and they complied. One case, more than regrettable, is another Mixteco president who could not verify - because it does not exist - a sports unit for several million pesos that was managed by the Ministry of Finance. The same process The same procedure.

Who is responsible then?

It is not worth criminalizing these communities because they are poor, because they are migrant communities that have been abandoned historically. Does Martha Ericka remember the treatment she gave to the migrants who rebuked her on the issue of 43 of Ayotzinapa? If the public resources were distributed equitably, if the administrative circuits and the head offices were taken into account, they would be more equal with the other communities of the municipality. If the government were managed with less patrimonialism. There is no doubt, the reality would be different.

Lynchings in Puebla have become widespread in urban and rural areas. They are evidence of government neglect and corruption. Whichever way you look at it, the Morenovallismo impoverished and violated the whole society to promote its modernizing megaprojects. The "development" of Puebla is the facade to promote a political ambition at whatever cost. And the situation in Puebla will worsen now that the national ultra-right wants to take shelter under the command of its new glorious general.

It is annoying, too, the silence of academics and researchers who know these regions of the Mixteca Poblana. We have received water, food, shelter, support and valuable information to develop research that nobody reads, but that serve for academic tourism and financing. The least that can be said is that the criminalization of San Vicente Boquerón is unfair and takes a turn to divert the criticism of those who are truly responsible. The individuals who visited the area after the tremors of September 2017 were able to verify the absolute orphanhood in which these towns are located. It is not justifiable that extreme deprivation provokes lynchings; but, the abandonment and governmental manipulation of panism, in these years, is unbearable.

Lynchings occur in contexts where deprivation and government neglect. What part of Puebla is not like that? The indicators of the IDD in all the PAN governments for our entity, equated the state with Michoacán and Guerrero. It was only a matter of time before conflicts arose. Puebla is one of the main expellers of migrants to North America, now, it is also one of the main affected by the immigration policy of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. What has the state government done? Frauds, only fraud.

The treatment of the migrant community of San Vicente Boquerón is not responsible. Hell has a name and surname. The money spent in local and national media to show the villagers, should be used to reduce poverty. Discrimination against these people; however, it is not exclusive only to politicians like Martha Ericka. It is also worth noting the conflict between Ricardo Monreal and Andrés Bermudez Viramontes-the King of Tomato-in Zacatecas. According to the researcher Miguel Moctezuma, the successful migrant insisted that, only when they were ill with cancer, would the evil of the members of the Mexican political class decrease. Bermudez is dead and Zacatecas, like Puebla, keeps going bad.

Mexican migrants must learn from Cuban migrants in North America. Just as the latter ask the US government to demand significant democratic changes in the Cuban regime to lessen the pressure of the inhuman economic blockade, then, Mexican emigrants should press to be taken into account by the United States, for example, to negotiate the Free Trade Agreement. and demand greater reciprocity from Mexican politicians in the communities of origin such as San Vicente Boquerón. Mexico has been unfair to its emigrants in the United States; but Puebla, it has been the worst. The fight against discrimination must be there and here. The tweet of Martha Ericka and the ideas of the morenovallismo on the popular groups and the migrant communities must be a warning on the reasons to avoid that it assume some public function.

In Puebla there is a perverse strategy of government terrorism to criminalize poverty and justify hard-line government. If the morenovallismo survives and seizes the PAN, this diazordacista mentality will be transformed into the rhetoric of the new right. This can not continue if the country wants a Fourth Transformation.

Migrants in struggle. J. Jesus Esquivel. Magazine Process N. 1400. August 31, 2003. Page 28-30

Local Patrimonialism

Local Patrimonialism

August 27, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/08/27/Patrimonialismo-local

 

Puebla has been one of the entities most hurt by government corruption in recent years. Even when the problems in the state and municipal administration have been made known, the last periods have promoted patrimonialism to extraordinary levels. The damage to the common good of the poblanos will extend for several generations and, every day, it seems irreparable. The social pathologies in Puebla are reaching historical levels. Like a virus they will spread everywhere and nobody can say they are invulnerable. The equivalence with Veracruz, Michoacán and Guerrero is a thing of the past, the local oligarchy wants - in these criminalistic indicators - to approach Tamaulipas, Sinaloa or Chihuahua.
The Puebla entity was placed at the level of the worst governments according to the social, political and economic indicators of various study institutions. The political alternation was an authoritarian regression to the cacique model that kidnaps the public administration for personal benefit. The debate that indicated in the six years of the PAN severe questions to the public debt, transparency, concessions and government programs, leaves no room for doubt when observing the behavior of the local legislative power. The approval of public accounts in various entities, especially municipal, institutionalized discretion and authoritarianism as a way of life in our state.
The most shameful case was that of the municipalities. Presidents who had committed real looting of their communities and to whom the Audit Body - now Superior Audit of the State - investigated by means of two technical files that indicated their administrative responsibility, were acquitted by decree. Overnight - literally - their public accounts were approved, the "municipaladas" were ignored. Characters who were removed from processes of verification and accountability were called to form candidacies by all political parties as long as they supported the neo-vilacamacism; Even the independent way was invited to fragment the vote and avoid an opposition coalition that put at risk the official candidacy for the state government.
The route of electoral fraud is parallel to the route of administrative fraud. Caciques, businessmen, political parties, clerics, independents, academics and other entities subject to public responsibility, were cajoled with the maximist Mephistopheleic "divide and conquer". The National Regeneration Movement was also and is being infiltrated with this strategy that will end up empowering Morenovallismo. The neoavilacamachismo was replicated holographically in the 217 municipalities and other entities subject to accountability, at a very high power.
The State Audit and Inspection Bodies are institutions destined to fail as long as there is no division of powers and local legislators blindly approve public accounts without a little awareness of the damage they cause to society. What is the meaning of the technical effort and the constant audit? What model, then, of transparency and accountability?
The municipality is a reserve of civility and democracy. In Puebla they have received the greatest patrimonial damage in their history. Same as public and decentralized agencies. Outgoing local legislators will be responsible for the abandonment and decomposition of the social fabric. The lack of public works, the correct distribution of income, the deception of social programs and patrimonialism, will trigger the conflict.

Puebla: Tear my life!

Puebla: Tear my life!

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/06/27/Puebla-%C2%A1Arr%C3%A1ncame-la-vida

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Various signs mark the Puebla election in 2018. First, the accounts do not fit; we find a profound distortion between the surveys for the presidency of the republic and those that refer to the governorship in Puebla. The preferences for AMLO in our locality coincide with the broad advantage of MORENA with respect to its closest competitors; however, if the preferences for Luis Miguel Barbosa are observed, there is the appearance of a disadvantage compared to the wife of Rafael Moreno Valle, official candidate of a diverse coalition.

In the second place, it is difficult to understand the perverse game that the morenovallismo disposed in its factions within the state. In Puebla and its municipalities there is extreme competition in the same Morenovallista cliques that are forced to get as many votes as possible for Martha Ericka Alonso; but also, forced to tear themselves apart -to get the municipal presidency. Similar experiences are experienced by some candidates for local and federal deputies.

Puebla is a living example of the place that the failure of politics can reach. The transfuguism that began in the era of Manuel Bartlett Díaz and generated the emigration of many PRI cadres to other political institutes, has degenerated into a partidocracy and de-institutionalization of participation and public administration. Pragmatic multi-party alliances generated an apocalyptic principality. These partisan migrations were interpreted, by some optimists, as the process towards a two-party system; However, pessimism pointed out that this political transvestism indicated the path towards the proliferation of leaderships as they lived in the country during the first years of the regime of the Mexican Revolution.

The Official Party had to "gather" approximately three thousand, among the more than ten thousand, political fractions that were fighting to build a new regime. Over time, the State Party inaugurated a political pact for the circulation of elites. At the end of the hegemonic period of the Revolutionary Family, Mexico found itself without parties, neither political class, nor State. However, the transition to democracy was a fine step for PRIs of all political parties to govern.

The problem is not the PRI as a political institute, the disease is a peculiar style of political leadership in the Mexican political culture: the caciquismo. The Cacique is the true dinosaur of the political transition in Mexico. It can be considered a generous style of patrimonialism; However, it constitutes a hindrance that does not allow the construction of political institutions and, much less, the arrival of liberal democracy.

Puebla allowed the architecture of one of the longest-lived and shameful chiefdoms in the history of Mexico: the avilacamachismo. The conservative nature of the entity did not allow the revolutionary, social and liberal spirit to settle in their territories. The "May 5" is only a mythologema without any consequence, it is more significant the contribution to found "El Yunque", point of reference of the Ibero-American extreme right. Conservatism and caciquism are the lanes through which local history has been conducted and manifested.

A crime poet has always pointed out to me that writers are more authentic and successful in explaining Puebla politics than many social scientists. He is absolutely right. It is enough a good novel -of the several that exist- as an aleph, to see the past, the present and the future of our society. The Pact of Honor and Justice has not moved a bit since the time of Maximinus, the subscribers remain encumbrados and cohesive. There are the same characters, playing the role that corresponds to them: Gunmen disguised as Businessmen and Bankers, Whiskers who play politicians, Foreigners Mafiosi, Bishops who only follow the Gospel of Power, a people who can not find a way to defend themselves and bastardy as a right of blood.

Puebla has always lived in the shadow of Avilacamachismo, it seems unlikely that this will change. The cacique structure survived thanks to the alternation, as understood by those who read the novels; the political scientists were confused and their error deepened the backwardness and injustice in Puebla. The population of Puebla is in the past, the social and economic indicators, the buoyant corruption, the insecurity and the fear let it see. Nor Maximino achieved a context so favorable to Satrapy.

The avilacamachismo prevented that the great social transformations of the Mexican revolution arrived in Puebla, the neoavilacamachismo is doing everything possible to isolate the entity. I hope that the next president of the republic acts as Adolfo Ruiz Cortines and imposes order; even if it comes from the center. It will be necessary to read novels to sharpen the political analysis and stop believing the fantasies of the extreme right: Martha Ericka is not Catalina, much less Carmen Serdán, is the Diaz Ordaz of Maximino Ávila Camacho, an ugly caricature of an oligarchy that will transform it into a monster, as happened with the native of Chalchicomula.

Yunque (Anvil): the priista and nazi Smurf

Yunque (Anvil): the priista and nazi Smurf
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2018/01/26/yunque-el-pitufo-priista-y-nazi/

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

A few days ago, Mario Alberto Mejía exposed in his columns the particularity of the political analysis that distinguishes the members of the Anvil. While it is true that certain prospects of the subjects in question cause hilarity, it is also true that these arguments must be taken seriously and intelligently despite the alleged errors they contain.
It is strange that reptilian, illuminati, gay or zombie conspiracies are taken seriously; but do not observe - in truth - the power exerted by a terrorist organization - similar in capacity to the Islamic State - as is the Yunque (Anvil) whose power extends in Latin America and other latitudes.
The Anvil (El Yunque) is in the antechamber of power in Mexico, it has always been. Since the end of the Second World War, the United States and the Holy See established a fascist consensus that aimed to destroy the Soviet Union. Even though America came to possess the most powerful weapons and army in the world, the Vatican State developed the millimeter structure to inhibit any progressive, social, liberal or democratic thinking that would put American hegemony at risk. The prostitute of Babylon received her service well. The governments where catholicity prevailed were infiltrated and Mexico is a singular case. Concordats and patronages generalize poverty to maintain the pageantry of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and their children. Thus Ibero-America was the safeguard of thousands of Nazis. In Mexico and, particularly in Puebla, Nazism runs without reserve.
The old revolutionary guard quietly observed the administration of Manuel Ávila Camacho, with regret he understood that the Army, the intelligence apparatuses and the public administration should be shared with the elites of uncompromising integral Catholicism, until they were absorbed by the papists. The moment of splendor is constituted by the government of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz -avilacamachista as well-, where white guards, death squads and fascist radicals flourish. Because of their anti-communism, they assassinate with impunity peasants, students, workers, women and even religious . The dirty war and the infiltration of the extreme right into the intelligence of the Mexican State is a fundamental chapter that is needed to explain the authoritarianism in our political system.
The integration of the Anvil (Yunque) and the Morenovallismo constitutes a legitimation to the previous state of things. In Puebla there was neither Reformation, nor Revolution, nor Cardenismo, nor Alternation. The old clerical Porfirian regime remains buoyant and the Lombardo Toledano or Henriquez Ureña, must flee hidden under penalty that the members of Yunque, like Testimony and Hope (or another of the thousands of organizations of the Anvil) try to kill. Avilacamachismo Poblano only reedited the old oligarchic structures that can not live without Hernán Cortés. Puebla indebted, prey of the huachicoleros, full of femicides, kidnapped by insecurity, poor and informal, is a product of the union between Moreno Valle and Yunque.
There is nothing to laugh at the political analysts of the Anvil, its candidates or members. The political class, in general, does not have the courage to confront them. The geopolitical condition is imposed: while North America fears socialism, the Catholic extreme right will have legitimacy to handle the States. Hence the capacity for violence, disorder, instability and crime that generates clerofascism to obtain inclusion in governments. What is important to say to the United States, as well as to Mexican society, is that, as long as the extreme right remains in power, social pathologies will continue and the cost increases each period. Morelos, Guanajuato, Puebla, Tamaulipas and Veracruz constitute a small sample.
If Moreno Valle is so powerful, what is the need for El Yunque? if the morenovallismo has to contribute to the vote of the PRIist-panista Meade Kuribreña, is also the Yunque a guest to fulfill the mission or the official candidate of the PRIANRD is Ricardo Anaya? Even Morena has had to lobby the extreme right through the black Jesuitism of social Catholicism. There are no reasons to laugh. Mexico is a tragedy, a sick despair of Hispanic catholicity.