Puebla, the order although it comes from the center
January 9, 2019
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/01/09/Puebla-el-orden-aunque-venga-del-centro?fbclid=IwAR2i6d5ct10xYsLw_jW0gly2jTKJ6B5tpKkkm6WtgPct_GLM4CtfEx4k_RA
January 9, 2019
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/01/09/Puebla-el-orden-aunque-venga-del-centro?fbclid=IwAR2i6d5ct10xYsLw_jW0gly2jTKJ6B5tpKkkm6WtgPct_GLM4CtfEx4k_RA
One of the main scholars of the elections in Puebla, Dr. Víctor Reynoso (1997), wrote some years ago about the institutional informality that was impelled in the entity in order to achieve control, stability and order for the historical social conflict between conservatives , liberals and progressives. The title that heads this column refers to this academic work that took the meaning of a popular expression regarding the local inability to generate stable governments. Several years later it seems that Puebla is in the same circumstances and with the same people. Order was lost and there are many shared responsibilities.
Puebla is - essentially - conservative and any modernization awakens the monsters of the identity quarrels. Progress and modernity are desirable phenomena; but, not at any cost and, either, in any way. From there, we must see the impulse that led to morenovallismo to power, its actions, conflicts and tragedies. The morenovallismo did not want to be a neoavilacamachismo, it lacked, or it left him, time, means, public work, consensus, legitimacy, violence. You will never know.
Morenovallismo does not constitute the nucleus of the black box of the political system of Puebla. However, the disappearance of the character that represented it is not similar to the figure of Maximino Ávila Camacho, this yes, structuring a series of elements and balances that achieved cohesion and persistence to conserve power in Puebla, as well as reach the national level . Now, avilacamachismo is restructuring itself to survive in the context of the Fourth Transformation.
Morenovallismo, in fact, was imposed on most of the actors and even sought to subdue the avilacamachismo and change the weights. This is the reason why, in their absence, the factions seek to survive and adapt to the circumstances of the regime. However, there is something in both phenomena that coincide with territorial power: its capacity to generate conflicts. In the immediate history of Puebla that was the characteristic of the political group that built the "Pact of Honor and Justice" in the first half of the Mexican XX century. Currently, it seems that this anarchic era emerges with all its strength. The same academic asked Morenovallismo, recently, in reference to the disputed local elections of 2018: "Does that democracy want?"
The local history shows that Puebla maintains a factionalism that produces radical struggles. The avilacamachismo was controlled, and the state also, with three governors emanating from the presidential orbit in the era of the Hegemonic Party outside the entity. Should something similar happen in the contemporary era to find order and peace?
The avilacamachismo can agree with the federal government. The disappearance of the morenovallismo, from this perspective, does not move away the possibility of other protagonisms and intermediations. Puebla requires a "Table for Peace" before elections. It is urgent because Tyrians and Trojans, Moors and Christians, do not cease in their attempts to rival the extreme, forgetting that the fracture of past elections can lead to something else. In such a context, we all lose. No growth, no development, no social justice. Coexistence or non-existence. The historical actors and with true moral height could hasten a dialogue of this type. Local political succession implies a mediation between regional and national power. Puebla has really serious problems in terms of poverty, security, emigration, economic growth, health and, above all, planning.