Catch All Party or Rebellion of the Masses?

 Catch All Party or Rebellion of the Masses?

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Morena's internal processes have been highly questioned by the inconsistency between state committees and national leadership. He has called the attention that the principles of gender parity, political pragmatism and acclamation popular; They have mixed opportunistically to legitimize the candidatesselected. The result scales in the perception of internal processes debated and poorly sanitized, John Ackerman - for example - only admits that four candidates for state governments of Morena are related to the principles of the fourth transformation, the others show the severe conflict that Morena has between its tendencies and the pragmatism of its leaders.

Although Morena has not been able to institutionalize itself as a political party, and much less like the hegemonic party that was the PRI, the approach to the political model of the Cath All Party close to what the Party has done Democrat in the United States. While the Republicans intend to demonstrate and propose wasp puritanism in the candidates and policies that shape their action political-ideological; The case of the Democrats is interesting to think about as party catches everything, potty, dustpan and even pragmatist; because he has contacts with multiple actors that are accommodating to their different platforms and conjunctures of government. Morena has been feeding on a political transfuguism that justifies as good faith and God-fearing partisan migration; but, deep down, it is adopt any type of profile that decides to support the electoral profitability of the motion.

There is no rebellion of the masses as some academics and nostalgic for populist socialism, agreements between factions and territorial political operators that Joy Langston called “Factionalism” Collaborator". It is true that it can last a long time, as the PRI did during the stage of the Hegemonic Party; However, Morena is not the PRI but a movement strange of expansive networks from the Cardenista Liberation Movement National and PRI groups expelled during the era of neoliberalism.

Morena's internal processes only demonstrate the ineffable vocation for chaos that Mexican politics has. Collaborative Factionalism is sterile in the stage current crisis of political parties, the chiefs do not change their convictions and the Chambista opportunism is historic in our political culture. Factionalism is not contributes to the institutionality. It is noted that political parties such as we knew in Mexico tend to disappear and perspective is imposed American in a moderately fragmented bipolarism where the only ideology that persists on the conservative right, Morena will become a political wild card that will try to resemble the PRI and try to stabilize Mexican politics for another six-year term.

In Puebla, for example, the criterion of gender charity, as political scientist Pablo Majluf has called it, was not applied and this allowed Alejandro Armenta Mier to rise as the representative of the Fourth Transformation to succeed the current state government.

Armenta is a sign that Morena has become an all-out party, unfortunately this implies pragmatism at the highest level and the abandonment of any ideology. One of the main internal critics of Morenism, John Ackerman, only congratulated four gubernatorial candidates and conceded that the others had nothing to do with the principles of the Fourth Transformation.

The overlapping political decisions of the National Committee to the State Political Council of Puebla are simply not understood; The interpretation of imposition or negotiation indicates that Moreno's internal processes are highly questionable. If Morena is in the process of becoming a Catch All Party – as Viri Ríos says – immoral agreements are admitted as ex officio bureaucracy.

Among the Morenoist candidates questioned by his profile, Senator Alejandro Armenta is identified; But, in addition to his clear distance from the progressivism of the 4T, his membership in the Marinista clique makes it disconcerting that Claudia Sheinbaum – like Miguel Barbosa at the time – requires the regional support of this faction and its electoral structure to get votes. Marinism once again hits the nerves of a Puebla left that cannot get voters.

Although, observing the transformation of marinismo in the last ten years, there are probably other types of agreements that go beyond the territorial electoral operation.

Researcher Mauricio Saldaña Rodríguez from ICGDE-BUAP, former collaborator and security advisor at the Ministry of Public Security in Puebla, has presented some highly qualified studies regarding organized crime in the entity.

One of the main records of the researcher attached to the Institute of Government Sciences regarding the rates produced by crime is called EXECUTOMETER, which shows the record progress that intentional homicides related to crime have had; More than 500 are expected by the end of this year. The most significant thing is that Doctor Saldaña Rodríguez has pointed out the transversality of the circle that surrounds Senator Alejandro Armenta with the dispute that different organized crime groups have for the control of various criminal activities in the entity.

What type of candidates is Morena proposing? If there is no coordination between the National Executive Committee and the State Political Council of National Regeneration, at least there is coherence. In a country like Mexico, it is increasingly difficult to separate crime and politics. Puebla has been one of the states with the most electoral violence in recent years and, apparently, this is not going to change.

The late Miguel Barbosa pointed out a strange criminal force that constitutes the invisible power in the entity and that does not allow the dynamics of change; Finally, Barbosism gave way to the inertia of the Puebla muegano and Marinismo could regain power in the entity thanks to the restructuring of the de facto and invisible powers. The marinism that was once betrayed by local powers to achieve alternation, is now recycled to inhibit progressive transformation; So far it has been very successful in this purpose.

The indicators of democratic quality remain unchanged for the entity; along the floors, and will remain uneven for a long time. It is a Mexican custom to neglect parametric studies; however, despite the bad faith of politicians, there are academics who do not lose hope in data and measurements. Other university studies that few read and even fewer understand coincide with Saldaña Rodríguez; but they are explanatory of a Puebla that is seen as Sinaloa, Zacatecas or Guanajuato.

José Antonio Crespo has questioned Morena's pacts with politicians with questionable track records. How much will Marinismo affect Claudia Sheinbaum? At the time of the political crisis that the collaborators of Mario Marín's government resolved with cynicism and impunity, more than sixty percent of the population requested the removal of the state government. What happy accounts does Mario Delgado have to consider that fifteen years are enough to forget? Will Alejandro Armenta's reputation harm Claudia Sheinbaum? The CEN Morenista does not seem to care; But one thing is certain, the composition of Armentismo benefits the local right in various ways. It is certain that the anti-marinism that persists in the metropolitan areas of the entity will generate an electoral realignment for the candidates of the Broad Front for Mexico.

Armenta represents the decline of the Puebla left. The internal differences between the September 23 communist league were always between the rural and urban aspects of the implementation of communism.

Due to the historical speed of Mexico and colonialism, a proletariat has never been consolidated; the socialist revolution can only come from above, as revolutionary nationalism attempted at the time. The most effective guerrillas always sought to eliminate chiefdoms and commit direct actions against the structural devices representative of bourgeois hegemony; Few were brave, the PRI's military and cooptation power was relentless.

In the end, the left of multiple action was the one that prevailed and survives camouflaged as a Guadalupana communist PRI. The old snitching communists smile when they remember the assaults on soft drink and fried food trucks, but there is no happiness comparable to the cooptation that occurred in the golden era of the PRI.

The urban-rural dichotomy poses a two-way internal colonialism. The cities develop the economic structures for the nation to subsist and the countryside provides the material geographic elements of oligarchic power. Treasury and cacicazgo are synonyms that explain political leadership in Mexico; even the business sector could not survive without practicing latifundism, which implies a savings account for times of scarcity.

However, neither the countryside nor the city abandons poverty, people barely survive and, therefore, the formation of civic and political bases is impossible; clientelism is the only logic of mobilization. The leader who best manipulates political clientelism has the legitimacy of patrimonialism.

Colonialism justifies the informal economy and the absence of the state, the Metropolis determines the flow and dynamics of the dominated regions. Puebla has become extremely functional for North American imperialism, which explains the dominance of Alejandro Armenta Mier; But he still misses Morena's transfer.

Armenta: Fallen Soldier?

 Armenta Fallen Soldier?

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

There has been speculation regarding the interest of the oligarchic groups in the entity to sabotage Alejandro Armenta, in the same way that they did - and do - with Mario Marín.

The competition for the morenista candidacy for the government of the state of Puebla has generated ups and downs in the profile of the applicants. A singular case in recent times has been that of Senator Alejandro Armenta: he went from considering himself Incitatus to the center of marine polemics.

Indeed, the coverage and sponsorship of a political clique is not always the best letter of introduction in political contexts such as those that Puebla has experienced.

There has been speculation regarding the interest of the oligarchic groups in the entity to sabotage Alejandro Armenta, in the same way that they did - and do - with Mario Marín.

Puebla's political elites distinguish between the officers, the troops and the Indians -according to their own speech- and Armenta is a soldier, so he was not going to pass.

As in the marine scandal, the main responsible parties were not affected in any way, only the bureaucracy and middle managers.

The internal competition in Morena to designate the candidate who, most likely, has the greatest support of the electorate is still distant.

The situation of Senator Alejandro Armenta has forced him to purge his team of collaborators, listen to the environment of social demands and seriously propose a government project for Puebla committed to the Fourth Transformation.

It's the right thing to do, even from a turncoat perspective; people who abandon a political cause do so to reinvent themselves in another, to be someone different, not to disguise the usual hindrances and ghosts, change is a rupture or it is not change.

The Alejandro Armenta who faced morenovallismo and made the feat of facing it alone, probably constitutes the political asset that transforms the environment in his work team from a vicious circle to a virtuous circle.

In any case, the elites and the godfathers always know how to accommodate themselves to the rising sun, they never lose because they don't fight with their money.

The invisible power that turned marines into a plague constitutes the sphere from which Alejandro Armenta must guard.

In an instant the negative capacity of this force causes structural damage

Did they betray Armenta to benefit another Morenista aspirant? What awaits Morena in Puebla if he is kidnapped by these powers that be?

Alejandro Armenta and Mario Marín´s clique

 Alejandro Armenta and Mario Marín´s clique

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

During the Mexican political transition, partisan turncoat has been the common behavior of many PRI cadres that have found a place in recent and incompetent political parties to form and train their own cadres. From the PAN, through the PVEM and the rest of the parties collect everything; The traditional PRI has been cloned, disguised or infiltrated. The PRI did not have the destiny of the hegemonic parties and, even, of the State, but of the dominant parties. That is to say, those who tend to form new slogans or tendencies and who consolidate in new political institutes the personalist or ideological fractions of the previous partisan institute. Now we are governed by PRI members of all political parties -as Granados Chapa pointed out-, or the PRI with its different personalist and ideological tendencies.

Senator Alejandro Armenta represents the political clique of Governor Mario Marín Torres. Even when it is stated that personalist political groups tend to be volatile and get involved in different adventures of collaborative factionalism depending on the historical context, the truth is that the links and political networks remain. What is recognized in the characters that add up and are incorporated into the electoral mechanisms that support armentism. The rotation of the political elites in Mexico, and in Puebla, obeys more to the course of the rotation of cliques than the alternation of political parties.

The political turncoat is a sign that there is a serious condition in the health of political parties. Although partisan migration was seen as a normal and healthy process in the evolution of the political transition, the truth is that it was defined in such a way in a temporary and not constant format. The permanence of the turncoat has deinstitutionalized the parties and, above all, the public function. The cliques replace the parties, which increases the margin of action of the invisible power and patrimonial behavior, true harmful elements of democracy and authority.

Puebla is experiencing a civic disease that is manifested in the characters with the greatest chance of reaching the governorship in 2024. Politics is the result of the collusion raised by the power cliques and, well, the results, indices and indicators are known to all. During the last decade, the quality of democracy in the state has been non-existent.

Morena in Puebla has no chance of electoral triumph if it is not with defecting cliques, the same happened with the first alternating government in the entity's history. But to what extent is so much turncoat healthy? Who is right in the dispute over leadership? How long will the political parties be real in Puebla?