Morena and political liberalization

Morena and political liberalization 

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Although there is talk of a change of regime in our country, the transfuguism or migration of PRI and PAN members to Morena predominates, and with it, the survival of the old regime.

José Antonio Crespo proposed in his analyses during the PAN presidential alternation that the Mexican transition was characterized mainly by political liberalization rather than by a deepening of democracy and consolidation.

Liberalization was controlled by the revolutionary coalition and, given the facts of the judicial reform, it can be said that the hypothesis proposed by Crespo is valid.

It seems that revolutionary nationalism never lost control of the political and economic changes in the country and, even now, it regains power to return the legal framework to the meager rules prior to perestroika and glasnot that neoliberalism meant.

The supreme power in the country is represented by Morena; or whatever that means. It is not expressed, for the moment, in the presidency of the republic, the political party with hegemonic neo-corporatist pretensions, but in the legislative majority and the personalist factions that comprise it.

Morena is a Bronx of isms that has not yet been translated into a tandem with all the energy that it means.

Legislative Morenism is the factotum, accelerator and brake, of the changes in Mexico.

The point is that the mole has several cooks and, suddenly, it becomes soup.

It can be thought that even this phenomenon is part of the Morena political control.

The helm of the deputies and senators for Morena is nowhere to be seen.

The risk lies in the fact that, in any case, this represents the feared congressional government that Vicente Fox baptized.

Parliamentary control is an indispensable and urgent need like the control of the judicial power.

The historical irresponsibility of the Legislative Powers in Latin America has resulted in the waste of the greatest opportunities.

Political liberalization is managed by revolutionary nationalism: blindly, foolishly and madly.

It is clear that the capitalist liberal democracy that had so many failures in the path of corrupting neoliberalism has reached its exhaustion.

However, the model of social and participatory democracy of the Fourth Transformation is becoming disfigured.

The protagonism of the legislative power is not healthy for Mexican governability; the 19th century and the Maderist experience have several data in this regard.

The reconstruction of the Mexican State and the Second Floor of the 4T require that the command go ahead and govern the parliamentary fractions of Morena.

The political defection

The Political Defection

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

 

When the Cold War represented the reality of global life, the superpowers made political agreements with extremely authoritarian actors to justify control of space.

Each alliance involved a few bastards who suited them for reasons of geostrategy.

The political defection of our time can be expressed in this way.

The hegemonic party takes the elements and cadres it needs without questioning too much about their ethical performance.

They represent positions necessary for total domination.

Defection changes when it is to the left or right.

The left is oriented under anthropological pessimism and liberalism moves in optimistic defection.

During the transition to democracy, defection was considered necessary because it would imply the development of independent and convinced political offers as in those post-communist societies.

The formation of free and autonomous political offers would allow society to choose between consolidated and institutionalized political parties.

Defection represented possibilities of liberation and learning.

Change as the fate of the person, the destiny and the teaching of life.

On the left, especially the one that interprets Marxism in a fundamentalist way, defection is seen as a temporary necessity, but with the possibility of exhausting it in the immediate future.

For the left, defection has no solution or remedy, the defectors are disposable and, therefore, the Stalinist purges are observed in a context where it is thought that society is the same as communities of amoebas, bees or ants.

Political liberalism is a path of civilization and social optimism; populism is not.

For the dictatorship of the majorities, the cadres that defect to Morena and that are now theirs, do not have the capacity for regeneration and in the immediate future they will be discarded because there will be no possibility of development for them, the path is to support the riddle of popular sentiment.

The justification of transfuguism as established by Sabina Berman and company, represents the death of politics, that is, the death of the solution of conflicts through civilized and parliamentary means.

Berman considers that politics has to be done by other means, violence, for example, because that and nothing more than that, represents the Yunes Clan and in those canons they came to establish agreements with Morena; as the PRI and the PAN did.

Sabina Berman cancels freedom and politics. She recognizes in her conciliatory argument with Yunism that the parliamentary, ideological and governmental capacity of the Morena is ending and an authoritarian cooptation is approaching as the communist and Nazi regimes initially practiced.

Post-electoral judicialization, a possibility?

 Post-electoral judicialization, a possibility?

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Although the most radicalized sectors of the PRIANRD consider that the true electoral processes will begin with the judicialization of the political process starting on June 3; The truth is that this situation depends on the electoral margin between the strongest options and the accidents on election day.

Contrary to the arguments of this trend, fortunately the electoral process has remained in a perspective characteristic of the political evolution of Mexico. However, the negative typologies of this process that closes next week have not been more serious than other presidential successions. This is good news for the ailing, imperfect democracy in our republic. The accusations that are now leveled against López Obrador were also previously implemented by neoliberals and, perhaps, with greater crudeness.

In any case, the ideal that the election day on June 2nd takes place calmly and in order contributes to the benefit of everyone. And, according to the surveys themselves, with everything and their divergences, everyone will get something. The country is not going to be lost after June 2nd. The authoritarian drift of the failed Mexican democracy did not begin in 2018. It should be noted that authoritarianism is particular to the entire political class in our country.

The fourth transformation cannot expose its performance with the implementation of electoral fraud. The results must be assumed mainly by the government and, with this, demonstrate that the democratic vocation, even in populist progressivism, is a latent reality. AMLO, whether he wants it or not, is unable to transcend the next six-year term. Violating the elections is a historical error of the most serious responsibility for the Fourth Transformation.

Mexican society, with so many irresolvable cleavages, does not seem to conform to an electorate that delivers absolute majorities in democratic contexts, which are still incipient. The many Mexicans demand inclusive and plural governments.

Electoral judicialization constitutes a scenario far from reality; there are few local cases where the electoral margin is narrow. Suddenly, the caution of the result and defense of the vote encourage fantastic fears. But, in most cases, Morena's advantage seems to be wide and with convincing scenarios of victory. For this reason, the ruling party should not expose itself to implementing fraud and situations conducive to electoral judicialization if the mathematical advantages are on its side.

The contentious electoral dimension constitutes an area of guarantee for democratic legality; However, in Mexico it has served to keep resentments and useless factionalism alive. An electoral process that does not give rise to protests contributes to the governability of Mexico.

The EZLN and the persistence of Deep Mexico

 The EZLN and the persistence of Deep Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The appearance of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation meant the cancellation of the candidacy of Luis Donaldo Colosio. In one way or another, the guerrilla hurts political candidates because it delegitimizes participation through the institutional means of political struggle and only grants guarantees to the armed means.

Mexico is a country of painful, long-standing inequalities that urgently need to be resolved. The continuation of guerrillas like the EZLN is indicative that the needs of deep Mexico have not been met and, after resorting to all types of means to achieve their attention, the use of weapons to project their demands is considered necessary; Hence, the criticisms of the head of the federal Executive against the EZLN were incomprehensible. Unlike the Mexican narcoterrorists, the Zapatista guerrilla does not have the arsenal to exert violence on a disproportionate scale; On the other hand, the EZLN has been confronted and attacked as the strongest cartel in the country. It's not fair.

The EZLN appeared at a time when Mexican integration with North America seemed logical and immediate. Zapatismo, in these circumstances, has been Cleopatra's nose in Mexican history; More than a hindrance, it is a human and social actor that comes to settle accounts of the past and oblivion and invites us to raise awareness about the path that the Mexican political system has taken.

Indigenous people continue to be the most discriminated against and marginalized social stratum in the country. Mexico remains as it was in the time of Bartolomé de las Casas and the country is not capable of incorporating the original communities. The damage is enormous over time and the reasons are not understood. The storm guerrillas continue to appear to tell us that something is missing in Mexico, that we are not complete on the journey.

The search for effective public policies and an equitable legal framework are also debts of the Fourth Transformation with the indigenous communities, especially when being Mexican constituted one of the main focuses of attention of the current government.

Morena is built as a Dominant Party

 Morena is built as a Dominant Party

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

It seems increasingly clear that the Mexican electoral system has entered a terminal crisis. The systematic violation of procedural rules by most political actors is done with the consent of the electoral authority and this is a consequence of the performance of the party system. Participation in politics is contained in the authoritarian dimension of personalism, particularly of executive and factual powers, which deinstitutionalizes parties and decompensates electoral procedures.

Demographic preferences favor Morena's electoral proposals; However, the legislative project of the Fourth Transformation has led to the ruling party including alliances of all kinds at the regional level to achieve a majority that will be overwhelming against the opposition. Partisan migration and political transfuguism have overwhelmed Morena. However, the inclusion that is increasing in Morena for greater electoral profitability determines that the party loses dynamism, leadership and principles. The power that Morena achieves and the inability of its political cadres is terrifying.

The speed that the inclusion of new members and candidates for the Fourth Transformation has taken has blurred the progressivism and Justicialism that was understood as the flag of the Morenoist left; Now, we talk about a humanism that implies everything and nothing. Like the PRI, Morena is becoming a political wild card that orients itself according to the context.

The problem of the new Official Party is the formation of its nomenklatura. It is a fact that even though presidentialism is providential in the direction of the Mexican political system, it was configured as a mortal god that only lasts six years and is subject to an inner circle that truly influences power. This political class became dark and unpunished, until it ignored the principles that gave rise to the party. Will the same thing happen with Morena? How long will it take?

Morena is recruiting political cadres that indicate difficult times ahead, few elements have anything to do with the characteristics that allowed López Obrador to come to power in 2018. Better said, the Morena of 2024 is at the antipodes. If all other parties have failed to control the chiefdoms and informal leaderships, what is the reason why Morena considers otherwise?

The bosses of Mexican politics have put an end to the PRI, PAN, PRD, PVEM and now Morena; There is no doubt that they are going to destroy Mexico like Pedro Páramo did with Comala. A major political reform is necessary that regenerates political participation and institutionalizes the ways of accessing public office.

Morena: a model of collaborative factionalism

Morena: a model of collaborative factionalism

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Morena's electoral profitability seems to have no competition. The point is that collaborative factionalism does not mean homogeneity of public policies and ideological principles.

Morena's electoral profitability seems to have no competition.

There will not be a political party like the PRI again in Mexico.

Within the studies that tried to understand the prevailing logic of cohesion and discipline in the PRI that strengthened the Hegemonic Party model, political scientist Joy Langston can be located.

Is it budgetary or presidential power that incentivizes cliques to cooperate? What allows a party to develop the classification of participation under the principle: “within the system everything, even impunity; outside the system, ostracism, repression and death”? The CIDE professor considered that the control of public administration at all levels imposed the availability of jobs and patrimonialism that showed the rationality of remaining in a political monopoly and avoiding confrontation.

The idea is correct in several ways; However, with the need for economic openness and adaptability to the contexts generated by globalization, collaborative factionalism was exhausted.

Closed authoritarian models came to an end when the United States won the Cold War, open societies were the neoliberal axis of Western globalization.

The crisis of liberal democracy has allowed the return of collaborative factionalism and the possibility of authoritarianism.

It is true that Mexico has not managed to transition to an open society and that the obstacles of its political culture persist as an adaptive and functional colonialism to North American imperialism; Therefore, the convergence of multiple actors in Morena resembles the wild card device that the PRI meant.

Our country constitutes a tributary state of the United States and the toll grants licenses of all kinds to the ruling class.

The possibility that Morena will be established with the triumph of the presidency, governorships and various legislative and municipal executive spaces, has summoned partisan immigration in a high and significant proportion.

Neither the PRI nor the PAN caused partisan ruptures and abandonments in the post-Zedillism presidential experiences as National Regeneration is doing now.

Morena's electoral profitability seems to have no competition.

The point is that collaborative factionalism does not mean homogeneity of public policies and ideological principles.

The PRI empowered a political clique dedicated to political espionage because there was no other way to exercise control and discipline.

The secret police of the traditional Mexican political system ended up being disloyal to the institutions of the national state and subordinated itself to North American interests.

The route of electoral profitability and pragmatism is the shortest path for Morena to end up being the icing on the cake PRI.

  National does not have corporations, bases or structure to confront the political operators of the chiefs and turncoat politicians who now cry crocodile tears over the social issue.

What guarantees loyalty and discipline to the next president of Mexico when these feudal barons are governors?

Morena's progressivism and left seem to have established themselves only in CDMX, with notable risks in the face of a hostile environment of electoral realignment.

The pure Morenistas outside the country's capital have been marginalized and even persecuted by the regional chiefs who managed to acquire the candidacies for the state executive.

More than a scenario of divided government, there is a regime of ungovernability and blockade of the federation, Morena must abandon its progressive and nationalist agenda to converge with regional interests that have always been conservative and oligarchic.

There will not be a political party like the PRI again in Mexico.

The analysis of the time variable allows us to understand that Morena does not have the organizational or political capacity that the Official Party achieved.

It is positive that AMLO does not behave as did General Plutarco Elías Calles or General Lázaro Cárdenas, the problem lies in the fact that the regions continue to be governed by Maximino Ávila Camacho and Gonzalo N. Santos now with greater power, violence, cynicism and impunity .

The decomposition of the Mexican political system only promoted federalism to which Morena seems to pay vassalage and govern it.

Rather than collaborative factionalism, National Regeneration employs collaborative and circumstantial chiefdom to manage a transition that is being conducted without meaning.

Catch All Party or Rebellion of the Masses?

 Catch All Party or Rebellion of the Masses?

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Morena's internal processes have been highly questioned by the inconsistency between state committees and national leadership. He has called the attention that the principles of gender parity, political pragmatism and acclamation popular; They have mixed opportunistically to legitimize the candidatesselected. The result scales in the perception of internal processes debated and poorly sanitized, John Ackerman - for example - only admits that four candidates for state governments of Morena are related to the principles of the fourth transformation, the others show the severe conflict that Morena has between its tendencies and the pragmatism of its leaders.

Although Morena has not been able to institutionalize itself as a political party, and much less like the hegemonic party that was the PRI, the approach to the political model of the Cath All Party close to what the Party has done Democrat in the United States. While the Republicans intend to demonstrate and propose wasp puritanism in the candidates and policies that shape their action political-ideological; The case of the Democrats is interesting to think about as party catches everything, potty, dustpan and even pragmatist; because he has contacts with multiple actors that are accommodating to their different platforms and conjunctures of government. Morena has been feeding on a political transfuguism that justifies as good faith and God-fearing partisan migration; but, deep down, it is adopt any type of profile that decides to support the electoral profitability of the motion.

There is no rebellion of the masses as some academics and nostalgic for populist socialism, agreements between factions and territorial political operators that Joy Langston called “Factionalism” Collaborator". It is true that it can last a long time, as the PRI did during the stage of the Hegemonic Party; However, Morena is not the PRI but a movement strange of expansive networks from the Cardenista Liberation Movement National and PRI groups expelled during the era of neoliberalism.

Morena's internal processes only demonstrate the ineffable vocation for chaos that Mexican politics has. Collaborative Factionalism is sterile in the stage current crisis of political parties, the chiefs do not change their convictions and the Chambista opportunism is historic in our political culture. Factionalism is not contributes to the institutionality. It is noted that political parties such as we knew in Mexico tend to disappear and perspective is imposed American in a moderately fragmented bipolarism where the only ideology that persists on the conservative right, Morena will become a political wild card that will try to resemble the PRI and try to stabilize Mexican politics for another six-year term.

In Puebla, for example, the criterion of gender charity, as political scientist Pablo Majluf has called it, was not applied and this allowed Alejandro Armenta Mier to rise as the representative of the Fourth Transformation to succeed the current state government.

Armenta is a sign that Morena has become an all-out party, unfortunately this implies pragmatism at the highest level and the abandonment of any ideology. One of the main internal critics of Morenism, John Ackerman, only congratulated four gubernatorial candidates and conceded that the others had nothing to do with the principles of the Fourth Transformation.

The overlapping political decisions of the National Committee to the State Political Council of Puebla are simply not understood; The interpretation of imposition or negotiation indicates that Moreno's internal processes are highly questionable. If Morena is in the process of becoming a Catch All Party – as Viri Ríos says – immoral agreements are admitted as ex officio bureaucracy.

Among the Morenoist candidates questioned by his profile, Senator Alejandro Armenta is identified; But, in addition to his clear distance from the progressivism of the 4T, his membership in the Marinista clique makes it disconcerting that Claudia Sheinbaum – like Miguel Barbosa at the time – requires the regional support of this faction and its electoral structure to get votes. Marinism once again hits the nerves of a Puebla left that cannot get voters.

Although, observing the transformation of marinismo in the last ten years, there are probably other types of agreements that go beyond the territorial electoral operation.

Researcher Mauricio Saldaña Rodríguez from ICGDE-BUAP, former collaborator and security advisor at the Ministry of Public Security in Puebla, has presented some highly qualified studies regarding organized crime in the entity.

One of the main records of the researcher attached to the Institute of Government Sciences regarding the rates produced by crime is called EXECUTOMETER, which shows the record progress that intentional homicides related to crime have had; More than 500 are expected by the end of this year. The most significant thing is that Doctor Saldaña Rodríguez has pointed out the transversality of the circle that surrounds Senator Alejandro Armenta with the dispute that different organized crime groups have for the control of various criminal activities in the entity.

What type of candidates is Morena proposing? If there is no coordination between the National Executive Committee and the State Political Council of National Regeneration, at least there is coherence. In a country like Mexico, it is increasingly difficult to separate crime and politics. Puebla has been one of the states with the most electoral violence in recent years and, apparently, this is not going to change.

The late Miguel Barbosa pointed out a strange criminal force that constitutes the invisible power in the entity and that does not allow the dynamics of change; Finally, Barbosism gave way to the inertia of the Puebla muegano and Marinismo could regain power in the entity thanks to the restructuring of the de facto and invisible powers. The marinism that was once betrayed by local powers to achieve alternation, is now recycled to inhibit progressive transformation; So far it has been very successful in this purpose.

The indicators of democratic quality remain unchanged for the entity; along the floors, and will remain uneven for a long time. It is a Mexican custom to neglect parametric studies; however, despite the bad faith of politicians, there are academics who do not lose hope in data and measurements. Other university studies that few read and even fewer understand coincide with Saldaña Rodríguez; but they are explanatory of a Puebla that is seen as Sinaloa, Zacatecas or Guanajuato.

José Antonio Crespo has questioned Morena's pacts with politicians with questionable track records. How much will Marinismo affect Claudia Sheinbaum? At the time of the political crisis that the collaborators of Mario Marín's government resolved with cynicism and impunity, more than sixty percent of the population requested the removal of the state government. What happy accounts does Mario Delgado have to consider that fifteen years are enough to forget? Will Alejandro Armenta's reputation harm Claudia Sheinbaum? The CEN Morenista does not seem to care; But one thing is certain, the composition of Armentismo benefits the local right in various ways. It is certain that the anti-marinism that persists in the metropolitan areas of the entity will generate an electoral realignment for the candidates of the Broad Front for Mexico.

Armenta represents the decline of the Puebla left. The internal differences between the September 23 communist league were always between the rural and urban aspects of the implementation of communism.

Due to the historical speed of Mexico and colonialism, a proletariat has never been consolidated; the socialist revolution can only come from above, as revolutionary nationalism attempted at the time. The most effective guerrillas always sought to eliminate chiefdoms and commit direct actions against the structural devices representative of bourgeois hegemony; Few were brave, the PRI's military and cooptation power was relentless.

In the end, the left of multiple action was the one that prevailed and survives camouflaged as a Guadalupana communist PRI. The old snitching communists smile when they remember the assaults on soft drink and fried food trucks, but there is no happiness comparable to the cooptation that occurred in the golden era of the PRI.

The urban-rural dichotomy poses a two-way internal colonialism. The cities develop the economic structures for the nation to subsist and the countryside provides the material geographic elements of oligarchic power. Treasury and cacicazgo are synonyms that explain political leadership in Mexico; even the business sector could not survive without practicing latifundism, which implies a savings account for times of scarcity.

However, neither the countryside nor the city abandons poverty, people barely survive and, therefore, the formation of civic and political bases is impossible; clientelism is the only logic of mobilization. The leader who best manipulates political clientelism has the legitimacy of patrimonialism.

Colonialism justifies the informal economy and the absence of the state, the Metropolis determines the flow and dynamics of the dominated regions. Puebla has become extremely functional for North American imperialism, which explains the dominance of Alejandro Armenta Mier; But he still misses Morena's transfer.

Political Entrepreneurship

 Political Entrepreneurship

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

According to Maurice Duverger, partisan perspectives in electoral systems with a majority tendency lean toward bipartisanship or bipolarism. Probably from this perspective we can understand Pedro Kumamoto's action to associate his independent political formation, as well as the embryo of a political party that he tried to form, with the National Regeneration Movement.

Political factionalism in Latin America has come to generate a phenomenon known as political entrepreneurship and which, before the connotation involved in the economy, implied the construction of partisan institutes, clubs, gatherings, organizations or movements to exercise a veto or blackmail capacity in the political system. Factionalism and political entrepreneurship are conditions that distinguish Third World political systems. In the case of Latin America, there are unique nations in terms of the number – more nominal than real – of political parties that come to exist. Both elements also make up a weak public administration and a state regime hijacked by different factions.

In Mexico, before the formation of the PRI, the number of political parties reached thousands and political movements such as Maderismo promoted such a number of expectations that, upon taking power, they were simply impossible to meet.

Guatemala, Peru, Colombia, Argentina and Brazil have been the spaces of study regarding political entrepreneurship, the consequences of the high fragmentation that the party system reaches is noticeable in the type of governability and institutionality that subsists in the political regime.

The loss of power in the PRI generated the departure of the multiple tendencies that made it up and the phenomenon of bleeding does not seem to stop now in all political parties. Morena summons multiple tendencies, factions and political entrepreneurs because it is the party in government, it is true that there is a manifest transfer of currents, tendencies, caudillismos, cacicazgos and factions towards its organizational content; However, National Regeneration has not been able to develop the level of political institutionality that the PRI had and it is difficult for it to contain such a level of political entrepreneurship when the wind blows against it. Factionalism and political entrepreneurship are the ideal breeding ground for pragmatic opportunism that most damages a society.

Some political scientists propose the need for more draconian electoral laws to close the door to so many fallacious organizations that seek to disguise themselves as political parties to exercise patrimonialism; However, others consider that participation is necessary to stimulate leadership that coheres and generates social capital. The truth is that the crisis of political parties seems to have no way out in Mexico and the world. The French case provides evidence that well-designed electoral engineering is not enough for mythomaniacs like Emmanuel Macron to come to power. Politics increasingly poses ethical dilemmas with enormous consequences because political organizations have been emptied of their content and a way to replace them has not yet been discovered. Everyone looks at Xavier Milei with sympathy, but no one wants to be under his insane rule.

Morena and Kumamoto establish a strategic alliance that can be beneficial for both actors and the state of Jalisco; However, in other entities and at the national level, some candidates and alliances will condemn Morena for immediatism. Political parties do not seem to have a solution, the old discussion of parliamentarism versus presidentialism is still waiting for the moment to be raised when the party crisis is terminal. And we will turn again to France to discover that even a double-engine government is insufficient to contain traitorous politicians. At the time.

Safety or Show? The strongest letter for CDMX

 Safety or Show? The strongest letter for CDMX

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Omar García Harfusch and Cuauhtémoc Blanco constitute some of the best-weighted elements in terms of politicians close to Lopezobradorism. The 2021 elections made it clear that the metropolitan area of the Valley of Mexico constitutes a space with strong disputes and electoral realignment for the PAN and MORENA. An erroneous candidate for CDMX by Morena not only implies increasing the possibilities of a long-awaited alternation. In 2021, many analysts consider that there is a punishing vote for the left in the country's capital and that it tends to increase. The defeat of MORENA in CDMX puts the presidential succession of the Fourth Transformation at risk.

García Harfusch's inclusion in Lopezobradorismo has been highly questioned due to his links with the secret police of the PRI regime as well as his participation in the repressive governments of Felipe Calderón and Enrique Peña Nieto; However, this element that signifies him as someone defective and strange in the Fourth Transformation has also been strategic for the fight against crime, which constitutes one of the main problems in the governability of the center of the country. An intelligently designed platform regarding effective ways to confront crime can position you against the blue and white candidates and other outsider characters who seek to take over the government of the main entity in Mexico.

Cuauhtémoc Blanco is synonymous with efficiency. How many millions of Americanists are there in CDMX? While it is true that the government and public administration capacity of the former soccer player and former national team leaves much to be desired, the vote influenced by the charisma and sports leadership of the character in question leaves no room for doubt. White is synonymous with votes, sympathy, influence and loyalties; There is the power achieved by the evangelical and Pentecostal party that governs Morelos. It was fortunate for some that Cuauhtémoc Blanco did not run for the presidency of the republic under the banner of the soccer World Cup. From which they were saved!

Morena and Claudia Sheinbaum have a more than complicated challenge in CDMX, the consequence of their decisions affects the continuity of the Fourth Transformation and Lopezobradorismo. The electoral geography becomes more competitive as 2024 approaches and the ties of political groups begin to alter.

Ebrard adheres to social liberalism

 Ebrard adheres to social liberalism

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The video presentation entitled "El Camino de México" that seeks to promote Marcelo Ebrard's career as a public figure, actually shows the distance that the former Mexican foreign minister has from the principles that distinguish the government of the Fourth Transformation. The material seems to be aimed at an electoral sector that seeks the economic integration of Mexico with the United States, the promotion of capitalism and the development of technological modernization in the areas of government security and education. It explains little about any social work that the former Head of Government of CDMX has carried out, even the issue of public transport that could have been useful, was not taken into consideration -for example, the issue of the Metro-.

Since his incorporation into the technocratic team of Manuel Camacho Solís, Ebrard Casaubón appreciated politics as a managerial bureaucrat. That is to say, keeping due proportions in what is called Enlightened Despotism, Ebrard like Camacho, develop a strategic thinking of the government moving away from the influence that society has. Camacho opted for the integration of a compact group that would take over the main areas of the government and that would become essential to remove the direction and control of empirical politicians; what finally happened. Ebrard continues to be technotronic, now digital and cybernetic, trusting that artificial intelligence can replace empiricism even in relations with Yankee imperialism.

Marcelo forgets the lesson of politics, as Jesús Reyes Heroles said, it happens with many. The technocrat says how, but the politician says when. Both things are essential in a society like Mexico, a nation severely confronted between the republic of catrines and the republic of outcasts. Camacho Solís was the architect of an elite that seized power from power and sought transformation from within the system. Ebrard, as happened with Camacho, was expelled from the technocratic group and forced to engage in politics, to seek survival among the empiricists, and they did not do so badly.

Ebrard, like other candidates, should reflect on the political capacity that they have developed in these times and that has positioned them in the most competitive spaces to achieve the presidency of the republic. Márquez's Why did Camacho lose? should also be a bedside book for Ebrard Casaubón; Beyond getting closer to the cliques of the political group in power and the national oligarchy, it is also important to get closer to the masses, the formal attachment to the popular sectors and the serious construction of public policies for a people that has enormous social gaps .

Armenta: Fallen Soldier?

 Armenta Fallen Soldier?

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

There has been speculation regarding the interest of the oligarchic groups in the entity to sabotage Alejandro Armenta, in the same way that they did - and do - with Mario Marín.

The competition for the morenista candidacy for the government of the state of Puebla has generated ups and downs in the profile of the applicants. A singular case in recent times has been that of Senator Alejandro Armenta: he went from considering himself Incitatus to the center of marine polemics.

Indeed, the coverage and sponsorship of a political clique is not always the best letter of introduction in political contexts such as those that Puebla has experienced.

There has been speculation regarding the interest of the oligarchic groups in the entity to sabotage Alejandro Armenta, in the same way that they did - and do - with Mario Marín.

Puebla's political elites distinguish between the officers, the troops and the Indians -according to their own speech- and Armenta is a soldier, so he was not going to pass.

As in the marine scandal, the main responsible parties were not affected in any way, only the bureaucracy and middle managers.

The internal competition in Morena to designate the candidate who, most likely, has the greatest support of the electorate is still distant.

The situation of Senator Alejandro Armenta has forced him to purge his team of collaborators, listen to the environment of social demands and seriously propose a government project for Puebla committed to the Fourth Transformation.

It's the right thing to do, even from a turncoat perspective; people who abandon a political cause do so to reinvent themselves in another, to be someone different, not to disguise the usual hindrances and ghosts, change is a rupture or it is not change.

The Alejandro Armenta who faced morenovallismo and made the feat of facing it alone, probably constitutes the political asset that transforms the environment in his work team from a vicious circle to a virtuous circle.

In any case, the elites and the godfathers always know how to accommodate themselves to the rising sun, they never lose because they don't fight with their money.

The invisible power that turned marines into a plague constitutes the sphere from which Alejandro Armenta must guard.

In an instant the negative capacity of this force causes structural damage

Did they betray Armenta to benefit another Morenista aspirant? What awaits Morena in Puebla if he is kidnapped by these powers that be?

Puebla: on the radar

Puebla: on the radar

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The appointment of the constitutional president of the United Mexican States, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, regarding the collaborators on the issue of security and governance that the substitute governor Salomón Céspedes decided to incorporate, is a sign that Puebla -the entity- no longer goes unnoticed by part of the Fourth Transformation. There is no space to point out a "dark shadow of lopezobradorismo" as was previously thought. There is a closeness between Lopez Obradorism and Puebla that cannot be considered a collusion. I wish that a little more would be done because the topics are endless, although starting already counts for a lot.

The information provided by the federal Ministry of the Interior regarding the members of the state cabinet constitutes antecedents that forced them to present resignations, it is a message not only for the group that directs the state government but for the political class that is now migrating to the ranks from BRUNETTE. The transformation must be authentic because the antecedents are always visible.

The state government has had to reconsider the training and service vocation of its collaborators. Alejandro Armenta has tried to do something similar, but it is not his thing. The aspirants to the state government under the candidacy of Morena, now have to start from scratch, demand an ideological commitment from their supporters and put aside the collaborations full of grotesque, these are no longer the times of Gonzalo N. Santos.

On the one hand, Armenta intends to align with the principles of the Fourth Morenista Transformation; on the other hand, his reaction is perceived as exaggerated and perhaps shows a greater concern for those who are part of his inner circle. Armenta's problem is that he surrounds himself more and more with characters who are confronted with the president of the republic and he will have to say goodbye to them soon if he does not want to be the PRIANRD candidate, which, according to demographic estimates, he would do anyway. make competitive.

The intervention of the federal government in Puebla has been interesting, it confirms –as the maxim of a good local political scientist points out- that the order to regulate regional authoritarianism only comes from the center. The possibilities of alternation are not extinguished in the entity and force governability to gain momentum, coherence, congruence and encouragement. The social movements and the Morenista bases in the region should no longer feel orphaned.

Emptiness and PRI

 Emptiness and PRI

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The resignation of the Institutional Revolutionary Party by a group of distinguished politicians and militants led by Miguel Osorio Chong has demonstrated the insufficiency that distinguishes the former Official Party towards the political process of 2024. The PRI is a party that remains and this constitutes a drag more in the configuration of the Broad Front for Mexico.

The turncoat ended up generating the total migration of PRI cadres and professional politicians to leave the political institute as a barren land, a Castile, full of nostalgia and the dead.

Although the recent electoral process in Coahuila and the State of Mexico made the PRI appear strengthened by the level of competitiveness demonstrated in both electoral processes, the departure of important lineages in the configuration of the historical PRI leaves the political party in the hands of a leadership who behaves like a goat in glassware from the beginning of his hierarchical responsibility.

The corporatism and the operational structure of the PRI had time to be managed at a distance from the institutional decisions of the leadership. The output starring Osorio Chong is an example of the catastrophic scenario that Manuel Camacho Solís envisioned in the face of the lack of regeneration of the regime of the Mexican revolution: Argentinization. That is to say, the anarchy and pragmatic rationality of the fundamental actors in mass politics. It finally happened. The PRI is no longer a party of the masses and the social actors have been left free – some think of the old revolt hypothesis of the headless proletariat. However, this also translates into an increase in electoral vices such as clientelism and vote buying. The destructuring of political parties devalues democracy. The lack of organization of the collective groups can set the tone for the extremism of electoral crime as well as the appearance of strange populisms that, together, put governability in check.

Social movements have concentrated on MORENA and the government of the Fourth Transformation. Probably, the current government regime will incorporate corporatism as a preponderant actor in the new power relations by 2024. The departure of PRI notables, cadres, and militants constitutes yet another blow to the weak convening power of the Broad Opposition Front. The right-wing groups concentrated on it do not understand the meaning of social participation in Latin American regimes, it is one thing to buy the vote and another to gain legitimacy. Hence the importance of observing what will happen to the collective agents and fractions that leave the PRI. The departure of the PRI members should also translate into an abandonment of the Broad Front because, then, it would be interpreted as a universal inconsistency to leave the PRI, but support it in the opposition coalition.

MORENA GOES

 MORENA goes

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

How important is the failure of liberal capitalist democracy for Mexican society? These days, different demoscopic studies have been established to demonstrate the social support for Lopezobradorism and the inability of the opposition coalition to show off a competitive political proposal.

According to the interpretation of the electoral topics, it is confirmed that the modernizing and liberal path for the country is closed. Although the immediate past indicated that the possibility of a country project went through three ideas: nationalist, conservative and liberal; the truth is that the latter has died of starvation.

The project of liberal capitalist democracy has been evidenced as a cultural and symbolic montage by the commentocracy, the neoliberal transitological discourse and the golden bureaucracy of the federal government in the fateful years of the Salinista and post-Salinista era.

Like any immaterial and malicious project, it had no positive impact on the Mexican reality.

Neoliberalism made Mexican authoritarianism more informal and chained - enslaved - the country to the United States. The idea of "Wild Liberalism" that equivocally describes what has happened in Mexico, points to the impoverishing factionalism that has prevailed in Mexico since pre-Columbian times and that is configured as an autochthonous anarchism that condemns vulnerability to the outside world.

The fragility of the Mexican political system vis-à-vis the exterior is shown in the failure of the neoliberal project and democracy through competitive elections. The national populist model promoted by MORENA has the legitimate support of the masses and a regional political migration is taking shape that pragmatically gives full strength to the morenista trend towards 2024.

Whoever aspires to exercise political leadership cannot but get involved with Morena and, suddenly, such a condition sounds excessive because it revitalizes the Mexican clientelist culture to the extreme.

The neoliberal discourse of the democratic transition failed because it had neither impact nor leverage. Because it did not promote a true liberal culture -civic, not savage-, it did not close the gaps of inequality and it did not strengthen the nation state.

The institutions of the Mexican State were riddled with bullets by the neoliberals and thus ended up creating the lopezobradorismo.

Now neoliberalism is associated with the conservative project, but it does not leave the technocratic, legaloid, civil and economic discourse; now also anti-communist, generally false, who cannot increase his electoral chances. How will there be different results if they want to do the same in these years?

The tragedy of neoliberalism drags with it Mexican liberalism and tries to fold it into a Chilean or North American-style neoconservatism. Liberalism has the task of returning to Juarismo and rescuing the vision that the enlightened generation of 1857 had for the country. The

The nationalist vision is also open to liberalism, but it must avoid the outbursts that divided the caudillismo and the constitutionalist perspective; With this, as can be seen in the Porfirian dictatorship, only the chaplaincy triumphs and, sometimes, we all lose.

Alejandro Armenta and Mario Marín´s clique

 Alejandro Armenta and Mario Marín´s clique

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

During the Mexican political transition, partisan turncoat has been the common behavior of many PRI cadres that have found a place in recent and incompetent political parties to form and train their own cadres. From the PAN, through the PVEM and the rest of the parties collect everything; The traditional PRI has been cloned, disguised or infiltrated. The PRI did not have the destiny of the hegemonic parties and, even, of the State, but of the dominant parties. That is to say, those who tend to form new slogans or tendencies and who consolidate in new political institutes the personalist or ideological fractions of the previous partisan institute. Now we are governed by PRI members of all political parties -as Granados Chapa pointed out-, or the PRI with its different personalist and ideological tendencies.

Senator Alejandro Armenta represents the political clique of Governor Mario Marín Torres. Even when it is stated that personalist political groups tend to be volatile and get involved in different adventures of collaborative factionalism depending on the historical context, the truth is that the links and political networks remain. What is recognized in the characters that add up and are incorporated into the electoral mechanisms that support armentism. The rotation of the political elites in Mexico, and in Puebla, obeys more to the course of the rotation of cliques than the alternation of political parties.

The political turncoat is a sign that there is a serious condition in the health of political parties. Although partisan migration was seen as a normal and healthy process in the evolution of the political transition, the truth is that it was defined in such a way in a temporary and not constant format. The permanence of the turncoat has deinstitutionalized the parties and, above all, the public function. The cliques replace the parties, which increases the margin of action of the invisible power and patrimonial behavior, true harmful elements of democracy and authority.

Puebla is experiencing a civic disease that is manifested in the characters with the greatest chance of reaching the governorship in 2024. Politics is the result of the collusion raised by the power cliques and, well, the results, indices and indicators are known to all. During the last decade, the quality of democracy in the state has been non-existent.

Morena in Puebla has no chance of electoral triumph if it is not with defecting cliques, the same happened with the first alternating government in the entity's history. But to what extent is so much turncoat healthy? Who is right in the dispute over leadership? How long will the political parties be real in Puebla?

The old regime and Puebla

 The old regime and Puebla

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The inconsistency of the Puebla Morenista government with the principles of the Fourth Transformation in Mexico has ceased to be a novelty. The entity lives a dark PRI night in the transition under the PAN and Morenista franchise. The indicators that evaluate the quality of democracy have plummeted during most of the alternating governments and are now in the standards of null certification. The PRI turncoat to the different political parties that have occupied the state government and the insertion of PRI collaborators in alternating governments, characterize the serious crisis of cadres that exists in parties other than the PRI as well as the lack of preparation or, outright , absolute incompetence in non-PRI militancy.

A few decades ago, when the PRI/system had heart attacks that anticipated the crisis of the regime of the Mexican revolution, Manuel Camacho Solís pointed out the excess of political empiricism and the lack of project and political ideology in the PRI members of the eighties in the Last century. Faced with the end of the Cold War and the beginning of globalization, it was necessary to technocratically renew the government and develop a new political doctrine in the face of the vulgar empiricism of the last generations that distinguished the PRI class. A little earlier, Daniel Cosío Villegas showed the exhaustion of authoritarian governance and coarseness that characterized Shared Development.

How valid the arguments of Manuel Camacho Solís and Daniel Cosío Villegas to understand the alternating state governments in Puebla! Only the PRI has political cadres to run the government! The other political parties are a hesitation that does not even reach a dark shadow. That is why Puebla is governed by PRI members of all political parties, the opposition to the PRI is simply annulled. PRI empiricism, no matter how vulgar and ordinary it may be represented, is the only way of effective governance in the face of chaos: an order at whatever cost.

The different spaces that parties other than the PRI have occupied at the municipal and state levels of authority are characterized by extreme disability. Now, the fear of alternating governments to the social movements that legitimately return to the streets to demand attention, well-being and spaces, impels the present government to return to PRI authoritarian governance. Before it was with the PAN Morenovallismo and now with the Morenista barboism, the incompetence overwhelms its dependencies and that is why PRI members are urgently needed.

Loyalty arguments to affirm and support characters from the old regime (better bad for known than good for knowing), are more incredible especially since most of the collaborators are defectors. How big is the betrayal, disloyalty and incompetence in the militancy of the other parties that it is necessary to return to the PRI?

The social, economic and political indicators that fail Puebla show us the type of public official who has been empowered by political alternation, but also holds society accountable; Every people has the government it deserves. What is the reason that President López Obrador does not pay a little attention to Puebla? Marta Eugenia García Ugarte finds the reasons in the extreme conservatism of Puebla.

The relentless drug war

 The relentless drug war

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although the Morenista government has been cornered for breaking the campaign promise to return the army to the barracks, the advance and strength of criminal groups in various entities is an indication that, outside the federation, there is no local government capable of protect the citizenry. Insecurity is a constant in local governments, more than in the federal administration.

The lack of clarity and transparency in the resources executed by local governments, mainly in state and municipal governments ravaged by the war between groups dedicated to the transfer of narcotic and psychotropic drugs, especially in the regions governed by the opposition, manifests the need to greater centralization in security policies and the disappearance of powers in those entities where governments should simply resign – or have done so – due to their impotence in the face of the force of crime.

The increasing progress of the protagonists in the drug war shows the need to increase budgets to develop security policies and strengthen the national bodies in charge of operating legitimate violence. Social readaptation centers and rural municipalities are structured on the basis of crime and require radical measures to be amended. State governments are more than permissive with local crime, feuderalism has been verified on several occasions and several state executives have been directly related to the mafias.

By 2024, regardless of the party that wins, the new six-year term must recognize the perpetuity of the state of exception that Mexico is experiencing and consider measures to strengthen the federal government and reduce the incompetence of local governments. Feuderalism was the true face of corrupting neoliberalism that was creating unpunished and criminal oligarchies, as well as exposing society to impressive levels of insecurity.

The reengineering of security in Mexico implies recognizing where the budgets must be exercised and the accounts that governments must render. Beyond the criminal ties and mafia sponsorships that officials in charge of civil order have, security indicators must also be considered for the revocation of mandate. The Sicilianization of Mexico is imminent and without serious proposals for public order, the reality of the Failed State also leaves our borders.

The exploits of the groups that fight in the drug war prevent any public policy from working. Local governments are ineffective, corrupt and incompetent, it is up to the federal government to be an accomplice or censor of these events.

Monreal, the traitor

 Monreal, the traitor

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although the dissidence of Senator Ricardo Monreal is intended to be evidenced as an act of rupture within Morena, the truth is that since the beginning of the six-year term, a distancing of Monrealism could already be seen with respect to the uses and customs that began in the National Regeneration Movement. to prevail as forms of proposing candidacies. The Monrealist faction has always considered that it has a special capacity for political power, which is why it surpasses other groups and characters.

Ricardo Monreal lacks a political project and even an ideology. He does not propose a model for a nation, nor has he been clear in the ideas that he has regarding the future of Mexico. His pragmatic search for power has been pointed out since his time as a PRI militant and throughout the exercise of government that they have had -in the caciquil side- within the state of Zacatecas.

In the piracy of presidential candidates carried out by the opposition to Morena, the senator has received an invitation from both the PRIANRD coalition and the Movimiento Ciudadano to articulate a competitive bloc against Lopezobradorism. Is this the best policy that the opposition can do? The invitation to Monrealism to fight AMLO shows the contempt that the groups of the Mexican oligarchy have for the country and the absolute aporophobia that distinguishes them.

The crisis of liberal capitalist democracy has reached the extreme of exhausting even the minimal ideas of a dignified opposition in Mexico. The opposition is moved by spite and resentment, envy and revenge. The selection of Ricardo Monreal as the opposition candidate would represent the total loss of PRIANRD and MC, the abandonment of political competition and the selection of the total fight against the Fourth Transformation. The traditional political parties in Mexico are living a decomposition that has turned them into zombies in the current scenario, they have passed over their militancy, platforms, history and principles; Quite simply, they lost the reasons for their existence.

The possibilities of including Monreal in a dark coalition against Morena raises the construction of an anti-Mexico. The denial and hatred of the country that was observed marching alongside López Obrador this past Sunday.

The Great March in support of Lopezobradorism is a message for everyone, especially the opposition. At first another Ricardo, Anaya, seemed to have understood the message; you have to know the Deep Mexico to gain the true Mexico. The President has said it almost every day at morning masses. But if someone abandoned the Suave Patria it was neoliberalism, the PRIANRD and now the MC of Montereich; It is important to accept the neoliberal failure and the mistakes of liberal democracy via competitive elections to reunite with Mexico. As long as the opposition does not assume the errors and criticisms of their position, they will represent the anti-Mexico that polarizes and enervates a lethargic but violent and anarchist society when it is proposed.

Alejandro Armenta and the Morena crisis in Puebla

 Alejandro Armenta and the Morena crisis in Puebla

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

Even when Marinism seemed to disappear in the face of the rise of the leadership of Rafael Moreno Valle, it was preserved as a current political tendency for the triumph of Miguel Barbosa Huerta in the extraordinary elections and, probably, in the designation of a candidate as, as it seems to represent Alexander Armenta.

Alejandro Armenta saw his political career bear fruit by sticking to and defending the political group of Mario Marín, who sought to develop a career in search of the presidency of the republic. The scandal of the Lidia Cacho case exposed the structures and mechanics of an oligarchic and corrupt power that has not been able to banish itself from the state of Puebla.

The economic, social and electoral support of Marinism was singular for the support of the interim government, as well as for Morena to triumph in the elections against Enrique Cárdenas and Alejandro Armenta, as operator and architect of Mario Marín, Javier López Zavala and Valentín Meneses. , generated the consensus that made the traditional “green vote” work, which was imposed against Acción Nacional and legitimized barbosismo.

Almost immediately, Miguel Barbosa tried to distance himself from the authoritarian and corrupt vision of the Marinista group, which was already beginning to be a burden for the state government. Armenta himself starred in conflicts that revealed the dark side of Marinism to displace Barbosa from the Executive Branch. Despite this and other contemporaneous contempt for Marinism with Barbosa, it seems that Senator Armenta represents the way for Barbosismo and its social bases to build a political process capable of confronting Bartlismo and the still surviving PRIANRD coalition.

Marinism is in force in the figure of Alejandro Armenta and willing to generate a mechanics of cacique, migrant, business and PRI alliances so that the regional power of the historic priismo of Puebla is preserved. For its part, the National Regeneration party has failed to generate an efficient institutional architecture and the cost has been the storm of its internal state and national processes, as well as the lack of authentic candidates committed to the Fourth Transformation to succeed the government in power. the state of Puebla.

The scarcity of lopezobradorismo in Puebla has allowed the will and fortune of the regional chieftainships -such as Marinismo- to prevail and demonstrate their political craft against an incompetent leftist government and the local democratic transition.

Morena's conflicts in Puebla destroy the possibility of the permanence of progressivism in the entity and reveal the appetite of the opposition factions and parties to reach the governorship again. Puebla continues with an interrupted political transition and an authoritarian structure worthy of the old regime, as the aspiration of the Morenista more Marinista supposes.

PRI. The Gesticulator

 PRI. The Gesticulator

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

One of the works that can help to understand the current situation of the Mexican political system is that of Rodolfo Usigli, particularly the theatrical script that gives the title to this opinion column. Within the famous text, which presents a manual of transformism to understand the behavior of the Mexican political class, the role of Julia is also worth mentioning. Morena is the daughter of César Rubio, what a paradox!, that girl who has become a woman and to whom, in a moment of personal discouragement, the usurper of the caudillo tells her to have the main thing for success in life: charisma, the power of convocation. God give you luck!

It has been discussed to the maximum if Morena is the Fourth Transformation of the extinct Official Party. Víctor López Villafañe, in various appearances on the You Tube Channel “Buzón Ciudadano” and in his latest academic works, makes an effort from Marxism to question this hypothesis and, in general, Mexican PRI science. Nothing simpler and nothing more complex.

In Mexico there has never been - nor will there ever be - a proletariat - or communists. Our country does not have the modernization or the crisis, at least of ideas, to establish a communist revolution like the Chinese or Russian case. The ethics and morals of Mexican society are radically opposed to the culture of those civilizations.

Mexico is a baroque, churrigueresque, stony, catholic society; but, above all, profoundly anti-liberal. Spanish colonialism deepened the pedigree characteristic of the peoples of ancient hunger and a factionalism that prevents national consciousness. When Spain failed as an Empire, his pragmatism led him to rent his former territorial possessions to the United States. In general, the Latin American despotic Middle Ages has not changed.

In Latin America, a transformism has been generated, that is, a Canovas cat-partisanship that changes everything so that nothing changes: the Mediterranean policy that hindered the national unity of Italy. Like Spain, the particular and historical characteristics of the context make us invertebrates, or perhaps, axolotls; but no more.

The PRI was the institutionalization of the gesticulator par excellence: the Cacique. The caudillismo was personalized in the Official Party and managed to stabilize the country and try to form a nation -particularly during the callismo and cardenismo-. All in all, the PRI was the most serious and formal country project ever; The failure of revolutionary nationalism - of tinsel - has geopolitical explanations that should be lessons for communists and modernizers.

Baroque, Hispanic or Mediterranean transformism makes the development of institutions impossible, although it generates prolonged domination and servitude. Morena has the challenge of generating a historical rupture and modernization, carrying out the task that Karl Marx considered opportune when the United States invaded the country in 1847; only that Marx forgot that the gringos are many things, except assholes. Although they have 50 million Mexicans -or their descendants- under their noses, they are not betting on their regeneration; They generously provide them with weapons and alcohol so that they can decide -among themselves and a little further south- the issue of their identity.

Morena is the daughter of César Rubio and, although ruptures between parents and children are necessary and healthy due to evolutionary reasons, if Julia does not conjure the Gesticulator, the impulse of the living forces and social movements will have served to maintain the Mexican Middle Ages, to to turn the Bolsheviks into Guadalupan Pricommunists at the service of the great Cardenista simulator.