Mexican migration and social stability

 

Mexican migration and social stability

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Mexican paleoconservatism constitutes an ideological and political current deeply rooted in traditional, nationalist, and religious values, whose historical function has been the defense of a status quo based on social, cultural, and economic hierarchies.

This force, which governs both nostalgic right-wing and populist left-wing movements, operates under a logic of control, centralization, and systematic rejection of enlightened modernity.

Its clearest manifestation is the resistance to transformations that promote inclusion, legal certainty, and merit, preferring instead to preserve traditional power structures that favor local political bosses, clientelism, corporatism, and a veiled pigmentocracy inherited from the colonial caste system.

This current has developed control strategies that bureaucratize and inhibit any attempt at democratization or profound social change.

The persistence of this model is underpinned by a de facto and invisible power where the Catholic hierarchy and certain economic elites act as the articulators of a vision rooted in mysticism and submission.

Under this scheme, even academic spaces and universities, which should be bastions of modernity, often operate as conservative fiefdoms that perpetuate retrograde views of knowledge and shield privileges.

In the political sphere, paleoconservatism uses anti-globalization, chauvinistic, and pro-life rhetoric to mask a rentier colonialism, where the elites manipulate faith and tradition to keep society docile, even justifying poverty as a sign of cultural purity or divine inevitability.

It is at this point that the farce of ideological polarization—which Mario Vargas Llosa categorized as the true idiocy of Latin America—is revealed as a mechanism of controlled demolition.

Contemporary populism uses the rhetoric of sovereignty and cultural resistance to accelerate a process of Argentinization: the deliberate destruction of the productive apparatus and technical institutions to impoverish the country, allowing the Creole and clerical elites to retain absolute control of what remains.

Just as the dictatorship of Francisco Franco represented the culmination of a social degeneration that rejected the Enlightenment to freeze the feudal structure in Spain, Mexican paleoconservatism seeks to anchor society in a perpetual Middle Ages of dependence, guilt, and submission to the strongman or the pulpit.

Faced with this institutional hijacking, the phenomenon of mass emigration to the United States emerges as the disruptive and material factor that can pull Mexico out of its medieval lethargy.

By crossing the border, the Mexican migrant severs the umbilical cord of paternalism and local political bosses to land directly in the dynamism of the American Old West.

This environment, characterized by a harsh but meritocratic liberalism, compels individuals to embrace the values ​​of autonomy, private property, and respect for the law.

The assimilation and emergence of Spanglish and North American Mexican identity do not represent a loss of identity, but rather the birth of a popular republicanism that no longer aligns with the homeland of the criollo (a term referring to someone of mixed European and Indigenous ancestry).

Millions of Mexicans are experiencing in the North the legal and economic modernization that their elites denied them in the South.

Managing this massive migratory phenomenon, in line with the advantages of the trade agreement, demands that political leadership act with the courageous honesty to recognize that Mexico's future is tied to the success of the West and the North American bloc.

Implementing policies of genuine political representation for the diaspora, creating a Secretariat for Migrants, formalizing cross-border employment through technical certification, and transforming consulates into active legal defense agencies are essential steps.

The common people have already decided the course with their feet; now it is up to the State to formalize the pragmatic North Americanization to break, once and for all, the chains of paleoconservative backwardness.

Incentives: Time, Income, and Effort

 Incentives: Time, Income, and Effort

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The struggle to confront drug-related insecurity in Mexico reveals a profound disconnect between political extremes and the national challenges the country faces. Attempting to resolve such a critical problem with lukewarm measures or mere good intentions is nothing more than evading the gravity of the issue, a tactic that has unfortunately characterized Mexico's economic policy since the 1970s. While the economy should be based on concrete facts, the real obstacle lies in the lack of political will to dismantle a deeply entrenched colonial-feudal system that has existed for almost five centuries in Latin America.

Expert Luis Rubio astutely analyzes the situation of the Mexican middle class, facing a bleak outlook. For many families, obtaining quality education, formal employment, decent housing, and access to credit can take more than two decades, while migrating to the United States allows them to access these resources in less than ten years. Even more disturbing, the quick profits promised by drug trafficking offer some a third of these opportunities in just five years or less. Given this contrast, it is not surprising that nearly fifty million Mexicans have chosen to migrate illegally to the United States, seeking a life that—although difficult—they consider a thousand times better than subsisting in poverty in their country. At the same time, drug trafficking is consolidating itself as one of the largest informal employers in key regions. In this context, does anyone really believe that the current government's welfare policies and clientelistic programs will achieve significant change? Do they truly think that the Morena scholarships and corrupt Morena clientelism will improve the situation? If the idea of ​​the "six-thousand-dollar" movement sounded like idiocy in 2007, how does the idea of ​​the "two-thousand-dollar" movement sound in 2026? They could have at least taken the joke Mejía Prieto tells about the "fucking lemon" from the Echeverría era. Morena's progressive illiteracy is incapable of remembering the projects of the National Citrus Institute, the National Coffee Institute, and so many other ideas that, in the long run, didn't seem so far-fetched; perhaps to give the State relative autonomy.

Although remittances and drug money represent less than 20% of the national GDP, the real dilemma lies in how the rest of the formal economy is managed and distributed. Dependence on foreign investors and maquiladoras has generated a structure where the main benefits end up outside the country, leaving Mexico as a mere cog in the global system. The banking sector and major industrial sectors are not controlled by Mexicans, and therefore, a large portion of the profits flows out to the capital's countries of origin. In this economic cycle, where extraction is prioritized over internal development, how can we expect a real solution?

Rational choice theory states that there are no bad actions, only flawed incentives. And Mexico remains trapped in this logic: its public policies, especially under the current administration known as the Fourth Transformation, have perpetuated incentives that fuel corruption and reinforce inequalities. Not even the public budget seems to escape this fate, replicating old wasteful practices that previously defended failed models of autarky. The Mexican government's disconnect is also evident when it acts blindly toward its own geopolitical reality. The informal economy has allowed millions to survive thanks to its ties with the United States, but the government insists on confronting strategic American interests without asking what Mexico gains from this antagonism. The synergies between the two countries have proven to be, albeit imperfect, necessary for distributing mutual benefits. Mexican migrants understand this; the Mexican government seems to deny it.

Meanwhile, a socioeconomic model—the "Habsburg Model"—persists, centralizing power and privileges in historical minorities such as the Catholic Church, Europeans, Spaniards, and local political bosses, relegating the majority to the informal sector. If the United States ever decides to more formally stabilize its economic influence in Mexico, our country could better integrate into a favorable regional framework. Otherwise, it will remain a secondary player on a global chessboard where its potential is constantly underestimated.

Building a governable and prosperous Mexico requires a bold vision. Recent electoral history offers lessons in this regard: just as millions of Mexicans have decided to change the country's internal political course, millions more have opted to strengthen their future from abroad, in the United States. However, no true transformation will be possible without definitively breaking with inherited and entrenched structures. At the end of the day, social peace, economic growth, and true security demand clear decisions: integrating Mexico into a more robust North American dynamic and ending a feudal model that has no place in modern times. There will be no development in Mexico until it integrates with North America and breaks with the Habsburg model, which the current administration defends more than the Catholic far right.

Not Paper, Just Tomatoes

 Not Paper, Just Tomatoes

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The fact that almost 100% of the production of such a basic agricultural product as tomatoes is destined for export to a single country constitutes absolute proof of the profound asymmetrical and colonial integration that Mexico maintains with the Yankee Empire.

The concern of large landowners about Trump's tariffs is legitimate from their business perspective; however, should they be thinking about domestic consumption? In other words, could the tomato businessmen and landowners in our country be kind enough to ensure people could access this agricultural product without the radical variation it presents in the market? The same is true of products ranging from cilantro to lemons in the variety of our folkloric national cuisine.

The humanism of businessmen and landowners in our country is incredible; they might as well be Japanese to feel proud of the situation! The United States' absorption in Mexican tomatoes is more than paradoxical; Furthermore, there are almost no farmers left in Mexico since everyone is going to plant tomatoes, but in the United States! This highlights how the US economic influence not only attracts our workforce but also disrupts domestic production chains.

Tomato production in Mexico, during the neoliberal era, was designed on a massive scale for export and targeted at specific North American markets, with standards and prices that often don't align with the consumption capacity of the Mexican population in general, or that don't offer the same profits as the external market.

The case of the tomato demonstrates the frustration and sense of hopelessness that the majority of the population feels toward its ruling and economic class. It seems that in Mexico the United States solves everything, starting with tomatoes. Any government project, public policy, or national project is simply useless against the immense power of the American Union.

Has US imperialism fallen? Ask the Mexicans.

Millions of Mexicans, especially those in rural areas with few opportunities, see migration to the United States as the only tangible avenue for socioeconomic advancement.

Remittances become the engine of the local economy, filling the gaps that national public policies fail to address, or simply fail to mitigate.

In this context, school, local commerce, or farm work seem insufficient or downright useless options in the face of the dollar's purchasing power.

This generates a structural dependency that is palpable and understandable at the individual and community levels.

The tomato example is another manifestation of this same dependency.

The actions of the ruling class, neoliberal or whoever, increase frustration.

What would the reality of Zacatecas be like if Andrés Bermúdez Viramontes—the tomato king—had been governor? Who did more good for the state: the tomato king or the Monreals? It seems as if Mexico has been ruled by nothing but Monreal since time immemorial, like in Bruno Traven's novels.

What would the Tomato King think of the landowners who don't want to sell their tomatoes cheaply to Mexicans in Mexico, even though they would also destroy production in volume?

It seems impossible to reduce Mexico's vulnerability to the United States; the Morena left doesn't even understand the country's structural weakness vis-à-vis the BRICS, and they won't listen either.

The Noroñas and Monreales remain the only answer.

Excessive dependence on a single external factor (remittances, a single export market) makes Mexico incredibly vulnerable to economic and political fluctuations in the United States.

If immigration laws are further tightened tomorrow, or if remittances decline drastically, what will happen to the country? The need for effective public policies is more than urgent; but what is essential is to destroy the ruling corruption of the fiefdoms in Mexico.

Mexico's Transactions with the United States

 Mexico's Transactions with the United States

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Some analysts continue to find it surprising that Mexico is reacting slowly to threats from the United States. Although it is stressed that the country should organize itself as Ukraine did with regard to Russia, the truth is that the interdependence of Mexico and the United States has so many elements that integration is more evident than fracture; a North American military intervention can even fragment convergences and values ​​understood in certain aspects. The manifest governmental apathy seems to indicate that Mexico lives in relation to the United States under a prolonged Indentured Servant, that is, the labor servitude that has been so important for the subsidy of the North American economy during the centuries of its existence and that, whatever happens, Mexican slavery will end up mitigating the economic crisis in North America.

The indentured servant has been a condition of several nationalities that seek to integrate into North America. It is the racial cover that in some cases, such as African Americans, has lasted almost as long as that of Hispanics. It is true that this figure has disappeared from legal consideration in the admission of American nationality and citizenship; however, this is the only way to understand that the pressure on our country has taken on elevated tones, regular incrementalist actions on the part of North America, and passive national resistance from Mexican society.

Of course, Mexicans in the United States are more than important for the economy of the powerful northern neighbor; however, Mexico cannot implement the measures that the Trumpist government intends to solve the American problems of drugs and employment. The historical speed between our countries has marked differences.

The lack of synchronicity between Mexico and the United States can cause one of the most important humanitarian crises in the region, the government of Claudia Sheinbaum is obliged to exercise important leadership. That is, it is not only about demanding recognition of the importance of migrants, it is also essential to change the regional context of the country. If insecurity, caciques, the strength of the de facto powers, etc. were to decrease in Mexico; also the entry of foreign remittances would have a better impact and migration would decrease; Emigration is similar to the escape from narco-societies and terrible spaces full of anomies. Attention to internal problems also counts for the perception of Mexican emigration to change. The Mexican universe is saturated with traumas caused by poverty, violence and drug trafficking.

The president of Mexico should not side with coyotes, chieftains, criminals and polleros who have taken advantage of migration for so long, turning it into trafficking and exploitation. The elaboration of PAN public policies during the Fox period that sought to involve Mexican migrants in the community development of their localities and civic participation in them can be questioned; it is true, they worked poorly and little. However, Morena has nothing and does not consult specialists and scholars of the subject to take better advantage of the material and cultural importance of remittances. The latest research on the avocado and lemon trade has significant contributions to understanding the migratory phenomenon in our country. Government innovation must also consult and improve the actions of the administrative past.

Should the United States invade Mexico? (Aggregate)

Should the United States invade México? (Aggregate)

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The controversy in the media generated by the statements of former President Donald Trump regarding the harsh treatment in diplomatic relations between his government and our country, as well as the possibilities to invade Mexico that constitute the center of his renewed political campaign, is an example of the ignorance and the inability to turn around to see the painful issue of Mexican emigration to the United States. It weighs a lot on Mexico to see inside itself. We don't know each other and the different social groups try to impose their vision of the country in a radical and violent way, but never honestly.

Mexico does not have a country project, we are a permanent dialectic of castes where anyone takes advantage of the spirits in dispute to add fuel to the fire. The serious thing is that the fire is already burning the United States and Donald Trump is not kidding when he talks about imitating Vladimir Putin to bring order to a Narco-state that only produces violence and emigration. North America is responsible for the state of things, it never understood the consequences of sending weapons and money to social groups that have so much resentment and hatred.

The ignorance regarding the number of Mexicans who have emigrated and reside in the United States causes shame. Officials and communicators, politicians and academics. It is rare that no one makes a mistake when accounting for remittances.

The conundrum in the migratory relationship between Mexico and the United States has caused notable American intellectuals such as Samuel Huntington, George Friedman and Joel Garreau -to mention the most sensible ones- to define that Hispanity is the greatest challenge of Anglo-Saxon culture, and of Mexico.

The post-covid world poses a dispute between globalists and nationalists that is limited to the global powers. The United States will have to focus on Latin America to maintain its status and, therefore, its role lies in correcting the failed states and the economic surrealism that so many emigrants have arranged around it. A few weeks ago, the debate regarding the electricity reform divided legislators between pro-Hispanists and nationalists. What is the reason for continuing to sneak in corrupt Spanish companies if Mexico must rethink its relationship with the United States? If Mexico receives so many millions of dollars in remittances and more than 90% of its economy depends on North America, why is more than half of the population poor and almost a million people -annually- try to emigrate to the United States? Ramón Eduardo Ruíz would say that the Spanish colonial social structure is responsible. And he is not wrong.

Hispanic Catholic casticism is the slope through which the fraternal hatred of Mexico flows, it remains undeterred since Hernán Cortés and Malinche. Lies, slavery, patrimonialism, castes and caciques. Right of blood that forges a multinational state, but not a nation. The caste system is what determines aporophobia, racism, classism, intolerance. If weapons, dollars and drugs are added to this, the scenario is set, where is national unity?

America has used a similar strategy in the conquest of the West, to make firm its expansionism it sent the Army after the pioneers and cowboys; and he did it several times until the only monopoly of violence was the State. And she will do it again as many times as it is. It is what is lost sight of when one does not want to understand that Mexico is a colony of the United States and not of Spain. And that this condition tends to increase as the post-covid world approaches.

The fire of the failed state that is burning the south of the United States, the one that the neoliberal Hispanic Catholic guerócrats do not want to see and for which they were responsible, is Donald Trump's excuse to be the North American Vladmir Putin, the Batman of Gotham City.

Mexico has the challenge of abandoning Hispanic values ​​-Catholicism, caciquismo, latifundismo, casticismo, etc.,- and recognizing the geopolitical order from which it cannot escape. Characters like Donald Trump will be more and more common, and pretending -everywhere- regarding the true relationship between Mexico and the United States only aggravates things. A liberal superpower is not going to allow its neighbor's illiberalism to extinguish it. Neither Spain nor the Vatican will provide support to the Mexican Ukraine.

The Mexican Pale of Settlement or The Pale region that is becoming increasingly hispanic

The Mexican Pale of Settlement or The Pale region that is becoming increasingly hispanic

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
June 20, 2019

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/06/20/The-Mexican-Plea-for-Settlement-o-La-regi%C3%B3n-del-P%C3%A1lido-que-se-hace-cada-vez-m%C3%A1s-Morena

For a little more than a century, much of the Jewish community lived on the periphery of the Russian empire that was located between the Black Sea, the Baltic and even territories close to the Mediterranean. The end of the First World War and the triumph of the Bolshevik revolution, generated that this area was in a vacuum of power where the ambition of imperialism, the emergence of new nations and racist campaigns, detonated the Second World War and the War Cold The region is synonymous with perpetual violence and infinite hatred.

The south of the United States of America, territory stolen from Mexico, has become a Limited Settlement for all Mexicans in Latin America, Asia and Oceania. During the 19th century, millions of African slaves were slaughtered to build American wealth. With the advance of Anglo-Saxon economic and democratic liberalism, Africans were replaced by Hispanics. According to Samuel Huntington, or any other conservative analyst, Mexicans are a more serious challenge than Terrorism and seem to be about to build the Mexican American State.

The power of Mexican culture, especially surrealism and spontaneity, make it impenetrable and uncontrollable. The Anglo-Saxon values ​​yield to the Mexican symbols. According to Huntington, in the south and the east of the United States, the WASP (White Anglo Saxon Protestant) tends to be the stranger in his country.

Intervention is equal to inmigration and North America knows that it can not escape this axiom. France, with its selection of world champion football in 2018, must have recognized that the suicide of its white, Catholic and European model must yield to a reality that they provoked through colonialism. All empires observe as barbarians their colonized peoples. They bet even for its extinction. But it is a social regularity that these barbarians enter the metropolis and over time give new blood to the hegemony. It is also called elite circulation. Samuel Huntington glimpsed that part of the problem that now North America does not know how to solve and that, nevertheless, has in the option of multiculturalism a lasting solution.

The US migratory conflict has propelled the Executive Power of that country to supremacist politicians like Donald Trump; however, the geopolitical and hegemonic position of the United States has changed and can no longer recover its identity. However, the problems of a disorderly and overwhelming immigration have begun to infect the social pathologies that the countries of origin have and the superpower diminishes its governability, legality, health, order and citizenship. The responsibility has to do with the political elites and their incompetence, their ambition and longing for power. In the end, they do not defend a people or a race, they are a gang that seeks to enrich themselves and employ other opportunists.

If Donald Trump tries to be the Adolf Hitler that will take the Mexicans out of the limited settlement, we know how the story ends. Is the EU willing to balkanize the south and east of its territory? Will North America turn Mexico into the Poland of Hitler and Stalin? The problems derived from Mexican immigration in North America are related to the peculiar form of imperialism that has been practiced in Latin America. While the neoliberals, technocrats and pseudo fascists have the Yankee support to stay against institutionalizing the Welfare State in each of their countries, the result will be obvious. People prefer to emigrate and there will be no wall that stops their desire to reach North America to improve their standard of living and abandon the conservative narcomodernidad that only consolidates corruption and violence.

The Jimmy Carter experience and the IRCA of Ronald Reagan, can be a reference for the current situation. It is necessary that the United States implement policies to change the internal government of the expelling countries since a large part of what happens in Mexico and Latin America has been driven by US imperialism and the political class subordinated to them. North America has to stop supporting the Ayatolas of Neoliberalism in Latin America. They are responsible for a terrible period of poverty, corruption and violence. Until these groups cease in their desire to boycott their countries and mask liberalism is a patrimonialism without limits, only then, the Latin American republics can stabilize and contain the emigration.

The neoliberals are part of those old Nazi friends who served so much in the Cold War, but that was that expensive way. Is it not better to establish labor migratory treaties and conduct the expenditure of remittances in an effective way? Migrants, their countries of origin, have not returned much of the income for remittances they introduce. The ejector zones continue as usual; On the other hand, the states with the highest emigration rate disguise their metropolises with the façade of urban progress.

The solution is not to confront governments that little or nothing can cope with the magnitude of a problem that is global. The distribution of world income and the control of the economic, technocratic and criminal elites is the new task that the United States has at the forefront. If you let these situations pass, these cliques will not have any regard for the American people.

America must stop supporting the neoliberal façades that need caciques and drug traffickers for the political control of their countries, who do not accept the true market because they are not entrepreneurs but monopolists, who can not remove the influence of the cassock to think and behave . Likewise, it must allow the civic and participatory spirit to develop in the immigrants, instead of persecuting them with deportation, they must be encouraged to demand change and transparency from their countries, effective policies for modernization, immigrants can not continue financing factual powers so abusive and advantageous.

If the United States does not intervene in a positive way with countries that expel migration, then poverty will balkanize Yankee territory. George Friedmann, Robert D. Kaplan and Tom Clancy have warned it some time ago, the advance of the mafia cartels and the violence inside the United States is incredible. Will they be able to use extreme military force within their own country?

The Mexican polkos, who reveled in millions of dollars for allying themselves with the Nazis, surely expect Trump to build the IV Reich. Hopefully the president of the United States and American liberalism will learn from the past.