A Beetle in Teotihuacan

 A Beetle in Teotihuacan

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The echo of the explosions at the Pyramid of the Moon not only shattered the age-old silence of the City of the Gods, but also definitively tore away the veil of ideological innocence that Mexico believed it possessed by right. The incident, perpetrated by a lone wolf, is presented to the public as the eruption of a narcissistic nihilism that, under the veneer of outdated mysticism, carried out a blood ritual in the heart of Mexico's indigenous heritage. A young man from Morelos, trapped in a profound alienation, decided to inhabit the body of a Nordic warrior to purge his resentments against modernity.

As analyst Carlos Ramírez has aptly pointed out, this event represents the irruption of far-right terrorism at a time when the struggle for the indigenous past has become the center of the national discourse. It is paradoxical that, while the presidency asserts sovereignty against the old Spanish empire, a lone wolf decides to desecrate the sacrificial grounds to pay tribute to a foreign cosmogony. Jasso, who signed his literary ravings as Vilhjálmur M. Marsson, was a collector of perverted myths for a worldview where politics is replaced by biological destiny and the mysticism of blood. Jasso's profile evokes the Thule Society, that esoteric organization that served as the ideological foundation for National Socialism. Like the members of that shadowy circle, Jasso fed on an identity-based desperation that sought redemption in runes and an imagined intellectual superiority. It is no coincidence that his motivations bear the shadow of figures like Heinrich Himmler and Alfred Rosenberg, architects of a racial religion that despised Christian humanism in favor of a bellicose paganism. Rosenberg argued for the need to replace old truths with a faith in blood, an idea that Jasso transferred to the Avenue of the Dead by identifying with the figure of Thor, the hammer of the gods, whose cinematic aesthetic he edited to feed his own superhuman image.

The date of the attack, coinciding with the anniversary of Adolf Hitler's birth and the Columbine massacre, confirms that Jasso operated according to a ritual calendar logic. For him, Teotihuacan was the perfect power node, a point of telluric energy similar to those described by François Ribadeau Dumas and Hans S. Bauer in their treatises on occultism and secret societies. Jasso saw himself as an initiate, a link in the chain of a spiritual elite that included Freemasonry, which he never truly understood. It is vital to clarify that Freemasonry, with its imperative of universal brotherhood and philanthropy, is the antithesis of nihilistic hatred. However, his rhetoric mixed Jewish-Masonic conspiracy theories with Thule Mysticism, an intellectual confusion that Oswald Spengler had already warned about in his work on the decline of the West when speaking of the final phase of civilizations, where rational thought is devoured by a new, magical, and violent religiosity.

This “spiritualism,” which some anthropologists have linked to Mexicanist movements or followers of national transformation, took a dark turn in Jasso’s work. Unlike the mysticism of Antonio Velasco Piña or the narrative of Patricia Zarco in "El séptimo cadete", which seek a spiritual reconnection with Mexican roots, Jasso filtered Teotihuacan archaeology through the German Black Forest and Goethe’s demon. His attacks directed at Canadian and American tourists demonstrate that his racism was not a loyalty to Hispanic culture, but rather a hatred of the liberal order of the North, a declaration of war by a “Vengeful Mars” against the materialism he considered decadent.

Mexico must become aware of the constant reality where young people, outside the productive system but imbued with an exclusive, esoteric online narrative, can become executors of imported ideological terrorism. The warning has been issued at the top of the pyramid: violence is no longer solely the domain of the cartels, which also employ youth armies, but has found a new breeding ground in the mystique of resentment. The lone wolf died believing the gods had chosen him, leaving behind the trail of a .38 caliber revolver and a historical void of attention. Faced with a lack of prospects and a future in a productive system that provides meaning, Mexican youth find in the mystique of hatred a territory where they can be "someone." In the eternal City of the Dead, an ideological mindset has crashed against the sacred past, reminding us that nihilism, when cloaked in myth, is the deepest threat to the soul of the nation.

Should the US invade Mexico?

 Should the US invade Mexico?

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

The conflict in Ukraine has led to a rethinking of the relationship and the social fractures between Mexicans as well as between Mexico and the United States. The debate regarding the reasons for the Ukrainian groups that have developed a previous civil war can be raised in almost the same way in our country: there is a social fracture -perhaps several more- between individuals, which refers to preferences regarding the tradition and modernity. In Ukraine, the region close to Russia has pro-Russian sentiment and cultural reasons for choosing tsarist Orthodox Christianity, conservative authoritarianism, and Eurasianism; the western zone identifies with the values ​​of capitalist liberal democracy as well as the postmodern values ​​of consumerist cultural metastasis. The European East/West has been translated as the Mexican North/South due to the opposition to Morena and the 4T. Just as the pro-American Ukrainians call for NATO intervention to confront Russia, even at the expense of bursting the nuclear cataclysm that would end humanity; In the same way, a large part of pro-American neoliberal Mexicans ask for North American intervention against the national government as if all the evils of the republic had begun in 2018.

Vladimir Putin has pointed out that the military intervention in Ukraine is due to the genocide that Nazi paramilitary groups and drug addicts committed against the population with cultural and racial ancestry identified as pro-Russian. This argument is important to understand the geopolitics of the United States towards Mexico and the reasons of the right that supports interventionism. In Mexico, the gangs of Nazis, drug traffickers and genocide; they have acted - at least during the 20th century - as allies of North America. The monstrosities that Russia is committing against Ukrainian democracy have been done by the United States against Mexico for most of its history.

The United States, not the democrat but the insane imperial Caesar, has used pentagonism to sponsor conservative and neoliberal dictatorships that not only exterminated actors resistant to modernity and capitalism, but also discarded nationalist armies and military defenses, as is now happening in Mexico. Anomie and anarchy developed uncontrollably during the neoliberal era to subsidize the informal and military economy of the United States. Arms trafficking from the United States to Mexico shows the indolence and hypocrisy of Democratic-Republican companies and governments. The paramilitary groups and political coalitions that the United States has financed for a long time are also part of the war crimes committed by Yankee imperialism. Mexico and Ukraine have similar stories, you just have to see who is financing the mafias of Nazis and drug addicts that cause genocide.

North America has waged a secret war against Mexico since the very moment of its independence, conferring on itself the invisible power that has governed our country since colonial times. Mexican neocolonialism is pro-Yankee, pro-Hispanist and neoliberal. America's secret war against Mexico began in 1821 and is about to take control of the country. The Ukrainian scenario is no different from various events in the history of the country. Ukraine cannot join NATO and Mexico cannot be free, democratic, egalitarian, independent, legal, sovereign.

The invisible power fueled by the United States against Mexico has colonized all spheres of human life in our society. The American Union speaks of invading the Mexican Republic now that a government intends to change the structural violence that sustains the Creole and administrative oligarchies of the empire. The pentagonist press and intelligentsia have always pointed to Mexico as a criminal nation, a failed state; but it is not stated that the mafias and sultanates are allies of the CIA and the DEA.

The north of the country was intervened to detonate unprecedented violence that has become the real wall with the US, also as a justification to militarize the country and weaken the Armed Forces and, in this way, finally develop a military contingent completely North American service.

The Mexican State and the Armed Forces are already in a war against the paramilitary and Nazi advance of the United States. The War of the year 2080 envisioned by George Friedmann is a cruel reality, with one important difference: the financial power of drug trafficking is in the United States and neoliberalism has only served for extermination and neo-extractivism.

Vladimir Putin is not wrong when he points out that the Western world has avoided denazification, it is the great slope of the capitalist world. The United States is the Fourth Reich and financier of genocidal fascism. Democracies die because Nazism lives.

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review 

Dr. José Antonio Alonso Herrero y Dr. Jorge Vidal Urrutia

BUAP 

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (Coordinators): BUAP-PROFMEX-Montiel & Soriano Editores. 2017, 254 pp.

ISBN: 978-607-7512-77-6 and ISBN: 978-607-525-465-4

http://www.profmex.org/ciclosytendencias/vinculos/La_Derecha_Mexicana_en_el_Siglo_XX.pdf

La derecha mexicana en el siglo XX. Agonía, transformación y supervivencia. Xóchitl Patricia Campos López y Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (Coordinadores): BUAP-PROFMEX-Montiel & Soriano Editores. 2017, 254 pp. 

ISBN: 978-607-7512-77-6  y  ISBN: 978-607-525-465-4

1. Dr. José Antonio Alonso Herrero

Profesor Investigador del Instituto de Ciencias del Gobierno BUAP

Research Professor of the Government Sciences Institute BUAP
https://www.academia.edu/39891147/La_derecha_mexicana_en_el_siglo_XX_Agon%C3%ADa_Transformaci%C3%B3n_y_supervivencia_1

This publication represents, in my opinion, one of the definitive advances to understand and interpret the current relationship between the Mexican political system and the Roman Catholic Church. Several articles analyze in depth and supported in a vast bibliography such crucial issues as the cult of Christ the King, the Cristiada, the assassination of the Jesuit Miguel Agustín Pro in the context of the main political-religious groupings in Mexico. In the third part highlights the chapter dedicated to the vicissitudes of Mexican fascism along with the Hispanic Heritage of Manuel Gómez Morín. Finally, Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero -coordinators of the volume- analyze two topics of undeniable topicality: conservative feminism and the National Action Party, graphically described as THE CONSERVATIVE SMURF.

In the preface, it is rightly pointed out that in order to penetrate the tangled political jungle of Mexico, it is necessary to remember the great heterogeneity of the Mexican left, as well as the socio-political hedge of the right. The distinctive note are the articles included in the abundant and varied bibliography, on which the authors base their statements, and the clarity with which they present their varied theses. An essential article to understand the confusing current approach of the relations of the Mexican Government with the Holy See is the article by Elio Masferrer, in which he analyzes the control - not only religious - exercised by the Inquisition during the Colony. He then goes deeper into the analysis of the different historical periods: Independence, the 1930s and the contemporary Spanish political-religious situation. In order to understand "the strategic responses of the Catholic Church", as Elio Masferrer affirms, this author aptly quotes the funeral note published in memory of ex-Girolamo Prigione:

"Against what many think that Mexico gave everything and did not ask for anything, in
there really was not much to give or ask. However, Salinas
(the president) put a condition. That Miguel Hidalgo and José María
Morelos were redeemed from their excommunication. Girolamo Prigione, as
apostolic delegate, he proposed it to Pope John Paul II, who took it to
his canons, as his lawyers are called. The matter was studied and
They found a happy solution. Bishop Manuel Abad y Queipo was a
son had out of wedlock and that prevented him from being a bishop. A) Yes
that he only had the appointment of provisional bishop, but not definitive. Y
excommunication requires a definitive episcopal appointment. So,
therefore, Hidalgo and Morelos were never excommunicated and did not require
they would redeem. "

A second article also essential for the same purpose is the one dedicated to "The Faithful Spain", in which the concept of Hispanidad is analyzed as a generator of "authentic Hispanism". This admirable synthesis of "Mexicanness" and "Hispanicness" forged by Manuel Gómez Morín is crucial to understand the ideological development of the Mexican right. Fundamental factor, as the authors underline, to understand "the cultural and spiritual community between Spain and its colonies."

What would be the final evaluation that is imposed upon the conclusion of the reading of all the articles? A first evaluation is found in the preface written by Samuel Schmidt, James W. Wilkie and Edna Monzón Wilkie. We do not pretend to formulate a critical opinion of such lucid evaluations, but we do not hesitate to agree with these authors when they indicate that "this book is important because it allows us to study the origin and evolution of the political forces prevailing in Mexico."

It should be emphasized that the authors of the various chapters have described and deepened a political-religious theme in a creative and well-documented manner. This confirms the opinion of these three authors when affirming (ibid: 24) that "Patricia and Diego show us that there is not a single historical truth and that there is still much to be discovered and explained about the rights in Mexico".

Affirmation very understandable and acceptable. But, for our part, we allow ourselves to indicate that the accurate historical considerations directed towards the end towards "The Priista Smurf" (El Pitufo Priista) offer us, at the same time, an objective basis for deepening the "Vatican Smurf." They are two 'Smurfs' intimately connected for centuries. In Mexico we already have an abundant historical research on the relationships maintained for two centuries by these two politico-religious entities. It is time, to conclude, for the researchers to delve into the structural characteristics of the Vatican State capable of granting, preventing and reformulating apparently ecclesiastical distinctions, but which penetrate and configure the intimate historical structure of countries such as Mexico and Spain. 

2. Dr. Jorge Vidal Urrutia
Profesor Investigador de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la BUAP 
Research Professor of the Faculty of Law and Social Sciences of the BUAP
https://www.academia.edu/39891148/La_derecha_mexicana_en_el_siglo_XX_Agon%C3%ADa_transformaci%C3%B3n_y_supervivencia_2

After the National Action Party rise to presidential power in 2000, a style of political activism that has operated in Mexico for more than a century was unveiled. The work of Álvaro Delgado entitled "The Anvil. The far right in power" (2003), was a watershed to understand the reconfiguration that had different actors who managed to converge with traditionalism, conservatism, religiosity, etc., to give rise to what can be defined as the Mexican right.

The discussion in Mexico on the right is already decimonial, if we go back to the discussion of authors like Hale (1982) we will know that the political and ideological role of the representatives of the same have transcended since the 19th century, heirs of a Mexico that did not end to distinguish beyond conservative liberalism of the nineteenth century.

The Mexican Right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival (2017) comes to be subscribed in the discussion, which to this day is latent in national history, about groups of past and contemporary conservatism. The text recovers the memory - still alive - of many characters forgotten by history and ignored for being in the disagreement of the great men of the revolutionary period; nevertheless, they are real architects of the change and Mexican political transformation.

Divided into 4 parts the text takes us through a first discussion and approach to the concepts and categories of what is called symbolic representation with the contributions of compilers and national researchers Cesar Cansino and Elio Masferrer, important in this section to observe the Mexican ideological compass (Cancino, 2017: 44) to size and locate the range of topics on the Mexican right. In the second part, the cult of Christ the King in the moments of Mexican nationalism during the first half of the 20th century, as well as the religious themes linked to the peasant movements of that historical period of the nation; It gives an account of the formation of Mexican ultra-right groups and of characters still little known in history such as Miguel Agustín Pro. In the third part and as political alternatives of the Mexican right, we explain the set of fascist expressions of these social components of the right, like José Vasconcelos himself, led to sympathize with Nazism, the Hispanic heritage of Gómez Morin, as well as the description of the activism of discrete groups of the caliber of MURO, Yunque and Tecos, made by Gerardo Lozada and Hervey Rivera; in the fourth and final part the work leaves the slopes where the right can reconfigure itself in the present, through the phenomenon of Conservative Feminism headed by Margarita Zavala, and the role of the "Priista Smurf"; which reveals the power relationship that led the PAN to collaborate with the regime's party that was antagonistic since its creation in 1939.

The work coordinated by Xóchitl Patricia and Diego Martín, is a serious example of the symbolic reconfiguration and political praxis that the right wing had in Mexico during the 20th century, through a fine collaboration of academics. From the beginning the work highlights the interview with James W. Wilkie and Edna Monzón Wilkie, on the part of Samuel Schmidt to rescue through the thought of Manuel Gómez Morin the ideological bases that constituted the PAN.

The work of recovery and hermeneutic analysis of the work, the handling of documentary sources not widely disseminated in the national and regional scope, as well as the exploration of topics such as ultra-right groups and their involvement in alternative projects of the nation is the hallmark of originality of This product of academic research that also speaks of a dynamic and historical social inertias in many parts of contemporary Mexico, which are still awaiting new epistemological approaches with which to observe the transformation and survival of the Mexican right, the intensification of the authors was to gather different contributions to make a formal analysis that would lead us to think about the different types of conservatives and rights in our country.

Delgado, A. (2003). The anvil. The extreme right in power. Mexico: Plaza and Janés.
Hale, C. (1982). Mexican Liberalism in the time of Mora. Mexico. Ed. Siglo XXI