Jean Marie Le Pen and right-wing militancy

 Jean Marie Le Pen and right-wing militancy

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

France has been the cradle of multiple right-wing movements, its historical role in Catholic nationalism and European imperialism has marked extreme and moderate political projects in this regard. Le Pen's death shows the trajectory of a militant, abrupt and politically incorrect right that has functioned as a receptacle for electoral tendencies contrary to traditional political parties and Macronism; however, the trajectory of the French right surpasses the National Front.

Although the Le Pens have accessed the runoff for the presidency of the republic on a couple of occasions, this has not put the French political order at risk, in fact, it can be said, this militant right has served as a halter for the neoliberal vision to become hegemonic. There are other important right-wing parties in France, not as combative - electorally speaking - as the National Front has been, but with a significant historical background that, in tandem, contribute to maintaining a balance between conservative and oligarchic political tendencies so that the 5th Republic can be sustained.

The history of the French right goes beyond the antagonism against the revolution that meant for the Gallic country and Europe, the transition from the old to the new regime, the departure from feudalism and the commitment to modern and secular republics. For now, it is worth highlighting the links between Joseph Pilsudski and Charles de Gaulle to explain links that go beyond military relations and involve the anti-communism that linked different fascisms. France, like other European countries, welcomed different actors in conflict with the Soviet Union and developed spaces of understanding for multiple international right-wing parties.

French personalism and Prometheanism are linked to the Intermarium geopolitical project that rejects the Soviet Union under Catholic schemes that confront Freemasonry, Judaism and Communism. This was the cultural environment that structured the personality of Jean Marie Le Pen, his political organization and offspring. Until now, the National Front continues to deny those elements that Catholic nationalism and secret societies inspired; even, that ended up being exported to other Latin countries such as Latin America.

The National Front has fulfilled its objective of being useful to conservatism, although it is true that its electoral importance does not allow it to reach significant positions of power, it has complicated the advance of the socialists and, above all, it makes specific criticisms of multiculturalism. The French right is more than latent, although it has not reached power. The crisis of the 5th Republic can open the game for extremists to take dominant positions and their arrival in the Second Round consolidates Jean Marie Le Pen's desire.

French cohabitation in crisis

 French cohabitation in crisis

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The French model is always exemplified as a hybrid regime, with a double engine, a political engineering design that broke the curse of anarchy. France is one of the few cases where parliamentarism could not flourish democracy, it was necessary to destroy four republics for the fifth to function regularly; until now, when Emmanuelle Macron seems willing to blow up the political regime or, like Marshal Petain, hand it over to the Nazis.

The 5th Republic, one of the most admired regimes in Latin America, in addition to electoral innovations and legislative control, also moved on the assumption of courtesy and political civility. Mitterrand and Chirac, for example, despite the great power of the Head of State in the Gallic country, respected the institutionality of semi-presidentialism and tested the parliamentary engine when the legislative forces were adverse; Of course, the ministers of the cohabitation also showed legal responsibility and loyalty to the political system. The semi-presidential model, based on the speed of the French guillotine, is designed to force collaborative work between dissident forces.

The crisis of the traditional political parties has forced the French electorate to empower an outsider representative of the Ancien Régime. Macron's detachment from the bases and social movements in his country has been demonstrated on several occasions: repression, adjustment policies, reduction of social policy, incentives to the bourgeoisie, etc. However, the recent second round of legislative elections deserves to be taken into consideration by the presidential criteria, the commitment of the socialists and other progressive forces to republican democracy was more than evident; therefore, Macron's inability to appoint a Prime Minister who corresponds to the left-wing coalition must be considered as high treason.

In the future, Macron perhaps plans to govern with the criteria of Vladimir Putin. Russia also has a semi-presidential design that it has never used, it could ask parties like United Russia or the PRI, the ways to achieve a qualified majority and avoid the unpleasant compromises of the second rounds.

France is the big question of the multicultural model. The 5th Republic is not only admired for its ability to digest a participation that overloads democracy but also for proposing a governance design to generate collaboration between antipodal political parties and social groups with a high level of cleavage, rupture and social differentiation. Macron behaves like a mischievous PRI president; but the thing goes further, his betrayal shows that he deeply distrusts multiculturalism and radical democracy, also that he does not believe in the French institutional design.

Macron sides with the conservative waves that also embrace populism and violate democracy. The right-wing ideas of Le Pen, Zemmour, De Benoist and Finkielkraut are gaining ground in a rebellious France that only has the streets and the Arab Spring left.