Labastida Ochoa and the neoliberal rupture

 Labastida Ochoa and the neoliberal rupture

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Although he corresponds with the politicians associated with Miguel de la Madrid, the last candidate of the Hegemonic Party PRI, Labastida Ochoa, joins the moral crusades that seek to regenerate the old Official Party. He is a moderate politician who makes his appearance, probably demanding that the old PRI be purged of the current leader Alito Moreno.

The moderation and prudence of Francisco Labastida led him to be the weakest candidate of the PRI that would allow the triumph of Vicente Fox. Just as Miguel de la Madrid was a politician imposed from the White House and supported by the Mexican ultra-right that prepared the arrival of neoliberalism, Labastida submitted to Zedilloism to accept the North American conditions that demanded political alternation in Mexico. The attempts to break with Zedilloism are probably inscribed in the tune of breaking with neoliberalism and recovering some shreds of the traditional PRI. It is undeniable what the former governor of Sinaloa points out about the anti-PRIism that characterized President Ernesto Zedillo, but it is also true that Labastida and the Atlacomulco Group accepted it without any complaint, probably because the benefits had been important or the alternation was inevitable.

The far right, Atlacomulco and Tecnocracia became the Mexican version of South American military technocratic bureaucracy.

The government of Miguel de la Madrid was the preamble to neoliberalism, although Francisco Labastida pretends a break with Zedilloism, the truth is that they have more similarities than dissonances. Just as corruption is innate for Alito Moreno, nationalism is not a credible card for Francisco Labastida. However, that of English and computing was - and continues to be - a great need of Mexicans; Fox himself ended up granting it.

The signs about the healthy distance Zedillo from the PRI can be instructive for Claudia Sheinbaum and Morena; Nothing is more certain in the defeat of a party in control of the government than the separation between the Head of State and the party from which he comes.

One thing is clear, the PRI will be a satellite party of the ruling party and those who dare to manage the operational structure are proposing themselves to the Group in Power as the best intercessors. The PRI culture is undying, but the PRI is in an incredible and tragicomic agony. The memoirs of Francisco Labastida will be an incentive to structure the narrative that explains the PRI degeneration.

Morena: a model of collaborative factionalism

Morena: a model of collaborative factionalism

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Morena's electoral profitability seems to have no competition. The point is that collaborative factionalism does not mean homogeneity of public policies and ideological principles.

Morena's electoral profitability seems to have no competition.

There will not be a political party like the PRI again in Mexico.

Within the studies that tried to understand the prevailing logic of cohesion and discipline in the PRI that strengthened the Hegemonic Party model, political scientist Joy Langston can be located.

Is it budgetary or presidential power that incentivizes cliques to cooperate? What allows a party to develop the classification of participation under the principle: “within the system everything, even impunity; outside the system, ostracism, repression and death”? The CIDE professor considered that the control of public administration at all levels imposed the availability of jobs and patrimonialism that showed the rationality of remaining in a political monopoly and avoiding confrontation.

The idea is correct in several ways; However, with the need for economic openness and adaptability to the contexts generated by globalization, collaborative factionalism was exhausted.

Closed authoritarian models came to an end when the United States won the Cold War, open societies were the neoliberal axis of Western globalization.

The crisis of liberal democracy has allowed the return of collaborative factionalism and the possibility of authoritarianism.

It is true that Mexico has not managed to transition to an open society and that the obstacles of its political culture persist as an adaptive and functional colonialism to North American imperialism; Therefore, the convergence of multiple actors in Morena resembles the wild card device that the PRI meant.

Our country constitutes a tributary state of the United States and the toll grants licenses of all kinds to the ruling class.

The possibility that Morena will be established with the triumph of the presidency, governorships and various legislative and municipal executive spaces, has summoned partisan immigration in a high and significant proportion.

Neither the PRI nor the PAN caused partisan ruptures and abandonments in the post-Zedillism presidential experiences as National Regeneration is doing now.

Morena's electoral profitability seems to have no competition.

The point is that collaborative factionalism does not mean homogeneity of public policies and ideological principles.

The PRI empowered a political clique dedicated to political espionage because there was no other way to exercise control and discipline.

The secret police of the traditional Mexican political system ended up being disloyal to the institutions of the national state and subordinated itself to North American interests.

The route of electoral profitability and pragmatism is the shortest path for Morena to end up being the icing on the cake PRI.

  National does not have corporations, bases or structure to confront the political operators of the chiefs and turncoat politicians who now cry crocodile tears over the social issue.

What guarantees loyalty and discipline to the next president of Mexico when these feudal barons are governors?

Morena's progressivism and left seem to have established themselves only in CDMX, with notable risks in the face of a hostile environment of electoral realignment.

The pure Morenistas outside the country's capital have been marginalized and even persecuted by the regional chiefs who managed to acquire the candidacies for the state executive.

More than a scenario of divided government, there is a regime of ungovernability and blockade of the federation, Morena must abandon its progressive and nationalist agenda to converge with regional interests that have always been conservative and oligarchic.

There will not be a political party like the PRI again in Mexico.

The analysis of the time variable allows us to understand that Morena does not have the organizational or political capacity that the Official Party achieved.

It is positive that AMLO does not behave as did General Plutarco Elías Calles or General Lázaro Cárdenas, the problem lies in the fact that the regions continue to be governed by Maximino Ávila Camacho and Gonzalo N. Santos now with greater power, violence, cynicism and impunity .

The decomposition of the Mexican political system only promoted federalism to which Morena seems to pay vassalage and govern it.

Rather than collaborative factionalism, National Regeneration employs collaborative and circumstantial chiefdom to manage a transition that is being conducted without meaning.

Emptiness and PRI

 Emptiness and PRI

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The resignation of the Institutional Revolutionary Party by a group of distinguished politicians and militants led by Miguel Osorio Chong has demonstrated the insufficiency that distinguishes the former Official Party towards the political process of 2024. The PRI is a party that remains and this constitutes a drag more in the configuration of the Broad Front for Mexico.

The turncoat ended up generating the total migration of PRI cadres and professional politicians to leave the political institute as a barren land, a Castile, full of nostalgia and the dead.

Although the recent electoral process in Coahuila and the State of Mexico made the PRI appear strengthened by the level of competitiveness demonstrated in both electoral processes, the departure of important lineages in the configuration of the historical PRI leaves the political party in the hands of a leadership who behaves like a goat in glassware from the beginning of his hierarchical responsibility.

The corporatism and the operational structure of the PRI had time to be managed at a distance from the institutional decisions of the leadership. The output starring Osorio Chong is an example of the catastrophic scenario that Manuel Camacho Solís envisioned in the face of the lack of regeneration of the regime of the Mexican revolution: Argentinization. That is to say, the anarchy and pragmatic rationality of the fundamental actors in mass politics. It finally happened. The PRI is no longer a party of the masses and the social actors have been left free – some think of the old revolt hypothesis of the headless proletariat. However, this also translates into an increase in electoral vices such as clientelism and vote buying. The destructuring of political parties devalues democracy. The lack of organization of the collective groups can set the tone for the extremism of electoral crime as well as the appearance of strange populisms that, together, put governability in check.

Social movements have concentrated on MORENA and the government of the Fourth Transformation. Probably, the current government regime will incorporate corporatism as a preponderant actor in the new power relations by 2024. The departure of PRI notables, cadres, and militants constitutes yet another blow to the weak convening power of the Broad Opposition Front. The right-wing groups concentrated on it do not understand the meaning of social participation in Latin American regimes, it is one thing to buy the vote and another to gain legitimacy. Hence the importance of observing what will happen to the collective agents and fractions that leave the PRI. The departure of the PRI members should also translate into an abandonment of the Broad Front because, then, it would be interpreted as a universal inconsistency to leave the PRI, but support it in the opposition coalition.

PRI. The Gesticulator

 PRI. The Gesticulator

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

One of the works that can help to understand the current situation of the Mexican political system is that of Rodolfo Usigli, particularly the theatrical script that gives the title to this opinion column. Within the famous text, which presents a manual of transformism to understand the behavior of the Mexican political class, the role of Julia is also worth mentioning. Morena is the daughter of César Rubio, what a paradox!, that girl who has become a woman and to whom, in a moment of personal discouragement, the usurper of the caudillo tells her to have the main thing for success in life: charisma, the power of convocation. God give you luck!

It has been discussed to the maximum if Morena is the Fourth Transformation of the extinct Official Party. Víctor López Villafañe, in various appearances on the You Tube Channel “Buzón Ciudadano” and in his latest academic works, makes an effort from Marxism to question this hypothesis and, in general, Mexican PRI science. Nothing simpler and nothing more complex.

In Mexico there has never been - nor will there ever be - a proletariat - or communists. Our country does not have the modernization or the crisis, at least of ideas, to establish a communist revolution like the Chinese or Russian case. The ethics and morals of Mexican society are radically opposed to the culture of those civilizations.

Mexico is a baroque, churrigueresque, stony, catholic society; but, above all, profoundly anti-liberal. Spanish colonialism deepened the pedigree characteristic of the peoples of ancient hunger and a factionalism that prevents national consciousness. When Spain failed as an Empire, his pragmatism led him to rent his former territorial possessions to the United States. In general, the Latin American despotic Middle Ages has not changed.

In Latin America, a transformism has been generated, that is, a Canovas cat-partisanship that changes everything so that nothing changes: the Mediterranean policy that hindered the national unity of Italy. Like Spain, the particular and historical characteristics of the context make us invertebrates, or perhaps, axolotls; but no more.

The PRI was the institutionalization of the gesticulator par excellence: the Cacique. The caudillismo was personalized in the Official Party and managed to stabilize the country and try to form a nation -particularly during the callismo and cardenismo-. All in all, the PRI was the most serious and formal country project ever; The failure of revolutionary nationalism - of tinsel - has geopolitical explanations that should be lessons for communists and modernizers.

Baroque, Hispanic or Mediterranean transformism makes the development of institutions impossible, although it generates prolonged domination and servitude. Morena has the challenge of generating a historical rupture and modernization, carrying out the task that Karl Marx considered opportune when the United States invaded the country in 1847; only that Marx forgot that the gringos are many things, except assholes. Although they have 50 million Mexicans -or their descendants- under their noses, they are not betting on their regeneration; They generously provide them with weapons and alcohol so that they can decide -among themselves and a little further south- the issue of their identity.

Morena is the daughter of César Rubio and, although ruptures between parents and children are necessary and healthy due to evolutionary reasons, if Julia does not conjure the Gesticulator, the impulse of the living forces and social movements will have served to maintain the Mexican Middle Ages, to to turn the Bolsheviks into Guadalupan Pricommunists at the service of the great Cardenista simulator.

Factionalism and the political crisis in Puebla

Factionalism and the political crisis in Puebla
March 29, 2019

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/03/29/El-faccionalismo-y-la-crisis-pol%C3%ADtica-en-Puebla


Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The entity can not leave an area of ​​uncertainty that throws negative frames and deeply hurt the future. It's been several months, maybe it's been years, where the state government walks by inertia and nobody seems to attend to the urgent problems. There is a dark caciquism that prevents the resonance of democracy and freedom throughout the region. Inclusive, Puebla begins to take levels of violence that indicate a decomposition similar to the zones controlled by the organized delinquency.

Why the paralysis and loss of political life in the state? One of the answers could be found in the political factionalism that has characterized the entity throughout the twentieth century and that has not allowed the institutionalization of a true party system.

Puebla went from a collaborative factionalism that concentrated on the PRI to a competitive factionalism represented by pragmatic alliance with the PRI, against the PRI and despite the PRI. However, the PRI did not institutionalize a true militancy that projected an authentic governmental platform, it was the crucible of several cliques, caciques and wealthy families that kidnapped the public administration. Now, these cliques were imported by other political parties and have a complicated dispute over power. Factionalism is distinguished by dirty war, transfiguism, disloyalty, violence and opportunism.

Political devolution was not a historical break. The PAN governments in Puebla were the most PRI in recent times. The competition generated in this way, involuted the political practices, behaviors and proposals. You do not live a low quality of democracy, you live a policy of abuse and imposition of the strongest.

Although the political fronts maintain that they constitute alternative options to each other, the certain thing is that they have more similarities than they think, hopefully that it facilitated the government; however, it only serves to raise the level of conflict and violence. Everyone wants power for power.

No clique can deny their belonging to the avilacamachismo. In the origin, or during the political development, said lineage marks to the right, the center and the left. The PAN adds to its participation the closeness with Yankee imperialism. The PRI aims to restore the strength of the regional chiefdoms and MORENA feeds on defectors while the love of the presidential figure persists; He has also paid his fee for admitting all kinds of policies.

The avilacamachismo constitutes a reactionary modernity from which Puebla can not escape. It is more than indispensable a true alternation that has the objective of modifying the structural conditions of authoritarianism in the entity. However, the option is contradictory and the hindrances of the poblano factionalism are not willing to allow liberation and progress.

Each society has the government it deserves, Puebla does not know what government has been granted for several months. Hopefully, political parties and candidates will be able to change the political life of the entity; likewise, that society is demanding of the political class and takes responsibility for its destiny.