CIENCIA POLÍTICA

Hungary and the Intermarium Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero The fall of Viktor Orbán in 2026 marks a turning point that compels us to revisit Fredo Arias King's warning about the nature of transitions. For this author, democratic success in Eastern Europe depended on a radical break with previous power structures, something that Orbán's illiberal model simply reformulated under a modern nationalism. Now, with the triumph of Péter Magyar, Hungary faces the dilemma of the Intermarium: that belt of nations between the Baltic and the Black Sea desperately seeking to shake off Russian influence while attempting to assimilate Western values ​​that do not always align with its historical reality. As Jesús Silva Herzog Márquez has aptly pointed out, the change in Hungary is not an automatic liberal restoration, but rather a conservative replacement. This lesson is vital for Mexico. We often believe that democracy ends with the vote count, but as analyzed in the volume edited by Ilan B...

 The Coming Progressive Right Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero While the historical right, that of the Habsburg model, corporatist and clerical, clings to its remnants of power through local political bosses, a more insidious creature is emerging: the progressive right of the digital youth. It is not a force for liberation, but rather the enforcer of an algorithmic puritanism that has transformed the classroom into a pocket-sized Inquisition tribunal. These young people, who carry their cell phones like personal panopticons, are not rebels; they are the new watchdogs of a regime that despises them while granting them the illusion of moral superiority. It is the minionization of the spirit: a mass desperately seeking a charismatic villain to serve and a scapegoat to cancel. They have replaced hard data and scientific rigor with the fetish of identity, validating an authoritarian structure that uses tenderness to conceal what is rotten. This new right wing doesn't need bayonets when ...

 The Middle Ages and Civil Sacralism Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero Just over a century after the fields of Mexico were stained with the blood of the Cristero War, the nation's spiritual and political landscape is undergoing a metamorphosis that the Catholic hierarchy seems incapable of deciphering. While the echoes of the 1926 bells resonate in a sterile nostalgia for some sectors of Hispanic Catholic nationalism, the factual reality of contemporary Mexico is sliding toward a new syncretism that has left the Church of Rome on the periphery of its own making. The phenomenon of the Fourth Transformation, far from representing a re-edition of Plutarco Elías Calles's Jacobinism or a Masonic insurgency, constitutes the consolidation of a civil sacralism that has been able to interpret the needs of a population exceeding sixty million poor, who, abandoned by their shepherd, have sought refuge in new folds. During his visit to Mexico in 2016, Pope Francis was prophetic when he warn...

Memory, Blood, and Faith: A Century After the Cristero War Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero Under the echo of a conflict that refuses to be relegated to mere archives, the San Juan Hall of the Parish of Our Lady of Perpetual Help in Puebla hosted the colloquium “The Cristero War in Mexico 1926-2026.” Contents THE CLASH OF TWO NATIONALISMS SYMBOLS OF RESISTANCE: THE CUP AND DICE AND THE CALLES LAW THE WAR ON THE PENTAGRAM: BETWEEN CORRIDOS AND AGRARIANISM A CENTENNIAL THAT QUESTIONS THE PRESENT The event marks the beginning of a series of reflections that, one hundred years after the Calles Law, seek to understand how faith and politics continue to dance a dangerous waltz in the construction of Mexican identity. Far from being a cold review of the past, the colloquium served as a necessary reflection on the centennial commemorations of the Cristero War, that open wound in the Bajío region that redefined the national soul. THE CLASH OF TWO NATIONALISMS The panel, moderated by Juan Bernar...

 Mexico as a Pillar of North America Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero The idea that Mexico is a “middle power” is, at best, rhetorical excess and, at worst, a dangerous delusion. The reality is harsher: Mexico operates as North America’s maquiladora region, a supplier of labor and logistics that the “Empire” could, if it so chose, replace or discipline through immediate control. History does not lie: attempts to challenge Washington’s geopolitical gravity have ended in collapse, from the decline of Porfirio Díaz to the financial disaster of José López Portillo. Today, the country is lost in a “halo effect” of populism that prioritizes spectacle over strategy. While figures like Omar García Harfuch, aka “Batman,” or the defense of a “paper sovereignty” in the face of the Cuban crisis serve to fuel the domestic narrative, the real world is heading toward an unprecedented security and supply crisis. The inconvenient truth is this: if the United States falls, Mexico disappears. There i...

The Bonsai Parties Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero Small parties have historically played a key role as intermediaries for diverse interests within the Mexican political system. They have often been considered mercenary actors implementing strategies aimed at perpetuating the status quo. Prominent examples include the Green Party of Mexico and the Labor Party: the former with a deeply questionable track record, while the latter illustrates the serious contradictions between social liberalism and Maoist ideologies. Paradoxically, these actors represent part of the commitment to building democracy that drives the second phase of the Fourth Transformation. In the complex Mexican political landscape, it is difficult to escape the veto power that small parties have acquired. Their influence, though discreet, has become considerable. During the years of the hegemonic party, they were mere satellites at the service of centralized presidentialism. But in the neoliberal era, they acquired disp...

Dialogue between Donald Trump and Antonio López de Santa Anna Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero In the inferno where time stands still in agony, two shadows converge in a distorted mirror of history, a confrontation of betrayals and decadence. One, with skin that reflects the burns of power, is the spirit of the United States under the mask of Donald Trump. The other, with a cynical face and empty gaze, is Antonio López de Santa Anna, the embodiment of a Mexico that sold its destiny. They are two Machiavellians, two demons united by the destruction of their nations. Trump breaks the silence with an ironic and worn tone: Here we are, Santa Anna, two corpses disguised in glory in this shared ruin. Unbridled capitalism and ambition brought me here, but you, dictator of a thousand defeats, what did you do to avoid the fall? You sold yourself to the highest bidder while your corruption fueled the machinery that devours us both today. My wall was a symbol, but your weakness was the true found...

 The Gosth of Traian Romanescu: Morena supporters against Netanyahu Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero The shadow of suspicion that hangs over Benjamin Netanyahu today is not, in essence, a new phenomenon in the Mexican political imagination. What we observe in contemporary intellectual circles, which casually compare the Israeli leader to the architects of 20th-century totalitarianism, is the transfer of an old pathology: the antisemitism of Catholic nationalism that figures like Sáenz Arriaga, Salvador Borrego, and Cuesta Gallardo instilled in the national psyche, now disguised in the anti-Zionist populism of the self-proclaimed Fourth Transformation. This rhetoric, which attempts to portray the alliance between Netanyahu and Donald Trump as a new "conspiracy for chaos," merely recycles the myth of the synagogue of Satan under a veneer of geopolitical progressivism. It is imperative to distinguish between legitimate criticism of government management and the structural Judeop...

 Another Stripe on the Tiger Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero Mexico is at a breaking point institutionally. The most recent report from the V-Dem Institute at the University of Gothenburg, one of the most respected global authorities in measuring political systems, has reclassified our country. Mexico is no longer considered a democracy, but an electoral autocracy. This diagnosis coincides with the warnings that political scientist José Antonio Aguilar Rivera has issued regarding the erosion of Mexican liberalism. The decline is not an isolated event, but a seven-year process. According to the assessment, the deterioration began after the 2018 elections and has accelerated under the current administration. The data is conclusive: Mexico now ranks below nations like India, Peru, and Senegal in its democratic standards. The world, in general, has regressed to levels of freedom comparable to 1978, but the Mexican case stands out for the speed of its transformation. An electoral autoc...

 The Coming Progressive Right Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero While the historical right, that of the Habsburg model, corporatist and clerical, clings to its remnants of power through local political bosses, a more insidious creature is emerging: the progressive right of the digital youth. It is not a force for liberation, but rather the enforcer of an algorithmic puritanism that has transformed the classroom into a pocket-sized Inquisition tribunal. These young people, who carry their cell phones like personal panopticons, are not rebels; they are the new watchdogs of a regime that despises them while granting them the illusion of moral superiority. It is the minionization of the spirit: a mass desperately seeking a charismatic villain to serve and a scapegoat to cancel. They have replaced hard data and scientific rigor with the fetish of identity, validating an authoritarian structure that uses tenderness to conceal what is rotten. This new right wing doesn't need bayonets when ...