INVITACIÓN EN EL PROGRAMA "AQUÍ VAMOS " SEGUNDO DEBATE PRESIDENCIAL 2018

VE EL VÍDEO AHORA

Morelos: the gospel of the Anvil

Morelos: the gospel of the Anvil 

By Diego Velázquez 

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2017/11/30/Morelos-el-evangelio-del-Yunque

The political situation in the entity that gave birth to General Emiliano Zapata, is proof of the capacity for anarchy, violence and blackmail that the Mexican far right can exercise. Infiltration, destabilization and terrorism are some of the conditions that have marked the actions of façade organizations such as the Testimony and Hope (Testimonio y Esperanza) Movement of Catholic nationalist roots. Jalisco, Michoacán, Guanajuato, Puebla, Querétaro and Aguascalientes, to name a few entities, have experienced situations of ungovernability derived from the deep and mysterious interests that integral intransigent Catholicism holds. 

It is true that Graco Ramírez does not escape the condition of bad rulers; however, it is also true that the state administration has had to dismantle all those public spaces where the Catholic secret societies settled its possessions. The dozen of PAN governments are jointly responsible for the upbringing of crime, drug trafficking, underdevelopment and insecurity in Morelos. No government has been able to contain and organize the problems of that state, it deprives a factionalism and a scheme of conspiracies that annuls all public policy. 

The confrontation of the state government with the rector of the Autonomous University of the State of Morelos (Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Morelos), is a phenomenon that had been lived in the Center for Research and Teaching in Humanities of the State of Morelos (CIDHEM Centro de Investigación y Docencia en Humanidades del Estado de Morelos). The persecution accusing the characters identified with the extreme right is ridiculous in comparison with what they did when they usurped power. Testimony and Hope (Testimonio y Esperanza) pursues its critics in the same way as Manuel Abad and Queipo, Matías Monteagudo or Félix María Calleja. Public Universities, City Councils, Dependencies, State Governments, etc., are managed under the worst mode of patrimonialism and corruption if the government is ultraconservative PAN. Not to mention when it comes to their spaces or companies: the Colonial Property is still the structure from which thinks the social order. 

What happens in Morelos must be an element of conscience to decide what Mexicans want in the country. It is not the first time that the extreme right has appropriated the PRI candidate to the presidency of the republic; it happened with Miguel Alemán, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz and Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado. From 1941, the Americans forced the Mexican government to a "modus vivendi" that cohabited with the Holy See in public administration. Although Taxman is presented as a citizen, his training does not escape the characteristics that General Emilio Portes Gil attributed to young charismatic Catholics. Even when Technodino, in the end, is still an Ranch

manager. 

One element must be highlighted in the political realignment that will lead to the candidacy of José Antonio Meade Kuribreña. Several groups of social Catholicism, and even the intransigent, are realizing that in the face of neoliberal globalization, vulnerability affects us all. The hacienditas (little farm) then, can disappear and break forever if the PRI retains the presidency; there will be no Ambrosian or Cantabrian financing when the NAFTA collapses and the United States opts for the military invasion to develop its own economy. 

The intransigent integral Catholicism must allow the public administration and the Mexican State to progress. If there is no Public Good, there is no government, nor politics, nor country. The respect and defense of public goods is something that is urgent in Mexico, we will have to think and discuss the way.

DEMOCRACIA Y CONTROL DE CONSTITUCIONALIDAD Y ALBERTO BEGNÉ

POR URIEL NAVARRO PEÑALOZA

Alberto Begné desarrolla en su libro temas de suma importancia para los ciudadanos ya que abarcas temas centrales como la democracia, el liberalismo, pero también sobre el control de convencionalidad para hacer valer los derechos de los individuos y de las grupos minoritarios, esto permite dar legitimidad la voluntad de la mayoría, pero sobre todo permite dar legitimidad al Estado contemporáneo.

DEMOCRACIA Y CONTROL DE CONSTITUCIONALIDAD

Las democracias contemporáneas deben de garantizar la voluntad de la mayoría (unanimidad), sin embargo al mismo tiempo deben de establecer los mecanismos e instrumentos necesarios que permitan el respeto, la tolerancia y  la defensa de las garantías de los individuos y las minorías. Nos referimos, la importancia  que juegan los derechos humanos fundamentales en las democracias, ocupando un lugar importante en la continuidad y consideradas como un conjunto de valores universales propias de todo ser humano.

Desde la finalización de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la conciencia  sobre los derechos humanos ha ido en crecimiento por  los gobiernos y actores de la sociedad civil, Begné (2003) se refirió en este sentido que las “democracias tuvieron la necesidad de fortalecer los mecanismos e instrumentos constitucionales destinados a la defensa de los derechos y las libertades de los individuos y las minorías” (p. 27). Sin embargo, la forma de violación a los mismos  ha ido en aumento, no de las misma forma en que los sistemas autocráticos lo aplicaron, por ejemplo; mediante modelos económicos como el  Neoextractivismo y el Neoliberalismo en resumen: explotan los recursos naturales; invaden la soberanía de los países en desarrollo; buscan mercados y mano de obra barata mediante estrategias violentas y no violentas.   

Se están violando artículos enteros de la Constitución Política, en el caso mexicano, pero también la violación de Tratados Internacionales; mencionaremos algunos a continuación: de la Declaración Universal de los Derechos Humanos, la satisfacción de los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales (Art. 22); del Pacto de Derechos Civiles y Políticos, la libre determinación de los pueblos (Art. 1), la imposibilidad de privar al pueblo de sus medios de subsistencia (Art. 2); de la carta Democrática interamericana, la responsabilidad de las autoridades de actuar con probidad, responsabilidad y respeto por los derechos sociales (Art. 4); la participación ciudadana en las decisiones relativas a su propio desarrollo (Art. 6); la promoción y observancia de los derechos económicos, sociales y culturales como consustanciales al desarrollo integral al crecimiento con equidad y a la consolidación de la democracia (Art. 13); el diálogo y la cooperación para el desarrollo integral y el combate a la pobreza en el Hemisferio (Art. 14); Art. 2 y Art. 4 de las Constitución Política de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos. Entonces, realmente ¿son eficientes  las normas jurídicas mexicanas? Aquí, damos un respuesta contúndete que  no lo son, no podemos justificar su ineficacia diciendo que no hay ordenamientos jurídicos perfectos, mucho menos decir que la sociedad tiene una cultura arraigada. Es necesario, realmente identificar quienes son aquellos representantes que no las hacen valer como tal e ir en contra de ellos, pero sobre  todo exigir  y exigirnos, no para lograr una sociedad  perfectamente democrática y  liberal, pero si para acercarse a una.

Al igual que la democracia desarrollada con anterioridad, Begné desarrolla el liberalismo político que se ocupa de la libertad política de los ciudadanos para defenderse del poder (coerción) del Estado. La idea de la libertad, se presenta como un valor político que se defiende a través de la afirmación de que los hombres inicialmente se asumen en un estado de naturaleza con la libertad perfecta para decidir sus acciones, sin depender de la voluntad de otro hombre, siempre con respeto y tolerancia. Un liberalismo que surge como un sistema coherente de ideales y metas prácticas, viendo su nacimiento en Inglaterra durante los siglos XVII y XVllI. Esto con la finalidad de arribar los problemas específicos del control de constitucionalidad y legalidad.

¿Defenderse de la coacción del Estado? efectivamente, ya que el Estado actual tiene la responsabilidad y obligación de responder las demandas sociales y la necesidad de responderlas con efectividad sin la violación de los derechos humanos individuales y de las minorías, ya que “el liberalismo heredó el principio de los límites del estado ante esos derechos y libertades del individuo” (Begné, 2003, p. 12). En esta línea las responsabilidades  del Estado frente a la sociedad tiene tres funciones básicas que son: la función de asignación, función de distribución  y la función de estabilidad. Estas tres funciones se pretenden un Estado equitativo, justo y por tanto, el bien común. (Torres  & Santander,  2013, p. 25).

Sí, el Estado no cumple con su fin del bien común, si los representantes de los diferentes poderes  (legislativo, ejecutivo y judicial) en los diferentes niveles (Federal, Estatal y Municipal) no garantizan la aplicación correcta de las leyes, en otras palabras, si las normas no cumplen con un debido proceso; en los estados democráticos y liberales los ciudadano tienen una ventaja, la de respaldarse de los mecanismos jurídicos; estos pueden ser de dos tipos, la de control de constitucional y la de control convencionalidad.

Esto significa, que a pesar de la violación de derechos humanos en los Estados no ha cesado, también, se ha luchado para contrarrestarlo; en el caso mexicano contamos con el Juicio de Amparo, Controversia Constitucional, Acción de Inconstitucionalidad,  Juicio de Revisión Constitucional Electoral y el Juicio para la Protección de los Derechos Políticos Electorales de los Ciudadanos (control de constitucionalidad); también se cuenta con el  Control concentrado de convencionalidad y el control difuso (Control de Convencionalidad).

Entonces, si el  poder público incurre en arbitrariedades y violaciones en perjuicio de los derechos y las libertades de la persona, existen instrumentos que permiten asegurar el cumplimiento de las normas establecidas en la constitución, pero también herramientas que busca el respeto y garantía de los derechos descritos en la Convención Americana de Derechos Humanos.

Bibliografía

Begné Guerra, A. (2003). Demcracia y Control de Constitucional. México: Tribunal Electoral del Poder Judicial de la Federación.

Torres-Melo, J., & Santander A, J. (2013). Introducción a las Políticas Públicas: Conceptos y herramientas desde la relación entre Estado y ciudadanía. Colombia: IEMP.

Moreno Valle, perfil fuerte para el Frente Ciudadano

http://24horaspuebla.com/2017/09/07/moreno-valle-perfil-fuerte-para-el-frente/

2017-09-07

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El ex gobernador maneja en su imagen la prosperidad, el desarrollo y la modernización que quieren las generaciones

Por Osvaldo Valencia 

Con la aprobación para la consolidación del Frente Ciudadano por México y el conflicto entre Ricardo Anaya Cortés y senadores del ala calderonista, lo mismo que con el PRI y la Presidencia de la República, uno de los perfiles que apunta como la opción más rentable para la contienda presidencial de 2018 es el ex gobernador Rafael Moreno Valle.

La ruptura que generó el presidente del partido al interior de Acción Nacional (PAN) y el déficit que le provocará a Margarita Zavala Gómez del Campo la guerra contra el narcotráfico emprendida por su esposo, el ex presidente Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, pueden ser los puntos que beneficien al ex mandatario poblano en la búsqueda por la candidatura hacia Los Pinos, consideró Diego Velázquez Caballero, politólogo de la BUAP.

En entrevista, el catedrático de Ciencias Políticas expresó que Moreno Valle logró posicionarse a través de una estrategia de mercadotecnia “más o menos exitosa” .

“Con una imagen de la prosperidad, el desarrollo y la modernización que ahora quieren las generaciones, se pinta como un candidato fuerte”, expresó.

De Margarita Zavala y coaliciones políticas

Sobre la ex primera dama, el politólogo apuntó que su imagen recibiría puntos negativos por los estragos del conflicto contra la delincuencia iniciado por Calderón Hinojosa.

Otro de los negativos que acumula Gómez del Campo es que representa al panismo tradicional, el cual “ha fracasado por sus propios errores” en el ámbito electoral.

Acerca de la coalición entre Acción Nacional, Movimiento Ciudadano y el Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD), Velázquez Caballero calificó como alianza Frankenstein por reunir a partidos con ideologías completamente contrarias.

Sin embargo, puntualizó que esta clase de estrategias son efectivas, ya que logran triunfos electorales.

“Me parece que el frente amplio que se acaba de construir es una alternativa para que Moreno Valle (…) tenga un proyecto viable ante Morena”, dijo.

Anaya Cortés usa tema de fiscal como cortina de humo

Sobre el enfrentamiento de Ricardo Anaya Cortés con senadores afines a Ernesto Cordero Arroyo y el conflicto en la Cámara Baja para bloquear el pase directo del procurador General de la República, Raúl Cervantes, a la Fiscalía General de la nación, consideró que fue un movimiento para desviar la atención de la investigación por enriquecimiento ilícito de su familia política.

De acuerdo con Velázquez Caballero, el grupo de legisladores albiazules en el Congreso de la Unión pudo bloquear las propuestas de los priistas para la designación del fiscal varios meses antes.

Fue hasta que el diario El Universal comenzó a publicar reportajes sobre la fortuna de su familia política que la bancada blanquiazul comenzó a trabar las cosas.

“Si Acción Nacional no está de acuerdo con esta medida (del fiscal) en algunos estados donde gobierna el PAN bien pudieron cuestionarlo antes”, afirmó.

Diego Velázquez también comentó que el “ataque mediático” contra Anaya Cortés se debe a que representa la “imagen de la corrupción de la ultraderecha mexicana”.

Fractura desgasta fortaleza del albiazul: Claudia Ramón

Por su parte, la politóloga de la UPAEP Claudia Ramón Pérez explicó que mientras el conflicto se mantenga, cualquiera de los aspirantes blanquiazules a la Presidencia sale desgastado.

“La fractura se está generando desde el interior y me parece que todos pierden en Acción Nacional”, dijo.

Incluso, lo anterior se manifestaría en las encuestas donde, señaló, podría caer al tercer lugar en la contienda del próximo año.

Alliances in 2018. Dictatorial Unity or Democratic Union?

Alliances in 2018. Dictatorial Unity or Democratic Union?
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2017/08/24/Alianzas-en-2018-%C2%BFUnidad-Autoritaria-o-Uni%C3%B3n-Democr%C3%A1tica

The main obstacles to democratic consolidation in Mexico lie in a traditional political culture and, above all, in the representatives of the post-revolutionary regime. Together, this prolongs the establishment of a National Agreement that culminates the transition and delimits the future of the country. If the Mexican transition to democracy does not end with a National Agreement that defines the country's political-economic-social future, there will be a long and gradual semidemocratization that will not respond with the necessary emergency to national demands; But which can lead us to extreme extremes of violence and danger.

No one can deny certain progress in the country. There are now more instruments to support the reasons and the claims. There is already a strong, vigorous and pluralistic civil society with its own life and economic and political aspirations whose satisfaction is urgent. But there is also a large part of the society that is defenseless, which is impoverished and lacking any civic-democrat culture.

Mexican democracy faces severe risks. The dilemma between governance and participation is not resolved in a positive way. In recent years it has been evident, at the state and federal level, the way in which governments end up building a model of control that becomes antidemocratic. Perhaps partisan partisan participation has been exhausted. It is now necessary to link governments of different levels and ideologies because the social situation has become seriously complicated. The political system must reconstitute the welfare state and address the poverty that has multiplied its pathologies.

Citizenship has been distorted in terms of the market's advance in politics. The public, ethical and moral virtues diminish in the face of a scenario of famine, confrontation and insecurity. International pressure also increases pressure on the political system. Politics has to be rethought.

Donald Trump's rejection of Mexico has been significant because it delimits the image of Mexican democratization. Trump has been a good censor of government policies and the few changes that the country has had despite the alternations. The situation between Mexico and the United States should reorient the lives of parties, government and citizens. It is a great challenge the set of critiques for our country and it is urgent to change not only the image, but the reality of things because they are known to be true.

Mexico's geographical conditions do allow the United States to do something about narcoterrorism and corruption that prevail in the context. It has happened before and it will happen even if we do not like it. Democracies treat other democracies peacefully, and they have the right to defend themselves when they are affected. During the last thirty years, neoliberalism opted for an economic and political modernization that allowed the integration with the United States. That is what has failed: the Mexican neoliberal project. In fact, the situation has been serious since the level reached by the administrations after the alternation of 2000 is that of Failed State, one of the most dangerous protagonists of globalization. It was not possible to dismantle the old system of Hegemonic Party, in fact the PRI DNA has extended to all other political institutes and for that reason the change of political culture has been so serious. In the electoral, partisan, governmental, union, school, journalistic, etc., things seem to involute. The new regime assumed the worst crisis of political discredit and economic disaster, the immense presidential power has not had the necessary capacity to face the seriousness of the problem. Socially, economically and politically, the democratic regime rules with cynicism and failure. Delaying further democratic consolidation can lead to an overload of demands that generate ungovernability, give continuity to the old regime or facilitate a violent solution.

One of the most serious diplomatic moments is lived in the country; Even though Mexico has become accustomed to acts of imperialism. It is important to say that, precisely in the years that characterized Mexican neoliberalism, we opted for a greater integration with North America, the project initiated with Carlos Salinas de Gortari was condensed into an accelerated modernization that sought to form a homogeneous North America. The result has been failure. Samuel Huntington is one of the theorists who has pointed out the conflict with modernity on the part of Mexico. From here we have to watch the reaction of Donald Trump and his government to our country. The situation goes beyond reactionary and xenophobia, implying that the neoliberal technocratic modernizing policies of recent years have been a failure. Society must also evaluate it and try to answer how, then, it wants to relate to the West and modernity.

The Mexican transition followed the path of electoral reforms. Strictly speaking, procedural democracy implies that political actors can compete, win and exit by power under that method. However, the fact that the PRI has not disappeared also implies the survival of the old regime as well as its uses and customs that, in fact, have been transmitted to the other institutes. Probably the Mexican transition is in the path of failed transitions or imperfect democracies. The important thing is to consider the mechanisms to eliminate the strategies of the old regime.

The main obstacle to Mexican democratic consolidation lies in the representatives and survivors of the postrevolutionary regime who, in the face of uncertainty about what might happen to them, use all the means at their disposal (which are many and very powerful) to stop all political change Which insinuates harm to them.

MORENA, the political project that accumulates the main electoral trends, has the responsibility to lead a National Agreement to delimit the political-economic-social future of the country. Manuel Camacho Solis always promoted a democratic center that would show the lesson of Spain and Chile: To achieve a serious and consolidated progress in the economy and politics. Pacing democracy, generating wealth for all and economic justice. A pact of this kind in Mexico is no longer possible. The PRIANRD, in its many expressions, has distorted the idea to develop patrimonialist, cynical and authoritarian politics of always. Camacho Solís himself distorted the falsehood of the Pact for Mexico that promoted the current administration.

The challenge of MORENA is to build a proposal to legitimize itself before Mexican society and the international world. Only through the pact with developed citizens and democracies can the representatives of the old regime be pressured to give up authoritarianism.

The mechanisms to be implemented are urgent if we want to safeguard national sovereignty and democracy. One of the embers for political consolidation is civil society. To rescue the citizen, to include it in the institutions and the decisions of government, can mean the resumption of the country. And, in turn, make other societies treat us as a democracy. Democracy works if citizens want. Hence social organization and pressure become significant. It is not that institutions do not work, or that the party system has more common places than proposals, but the great transformer is the common individual. It should involve society in decision making, make people see that their opinion on governance issues is important, that can really make decisions.

MORENA also needs the international shelter of some democratic institutions and developed countries. The political action of Solidarity in Poland can be a route to follow. The construction of the border wall can even be accepted, as long as the United States intends to destroy and treat as terrorists the corrupt politicians, criminal groups and consortiums that the modernist conservative technocracy has fomented in Mexico.

It is urgent the Unity, the Union, without fissures or divisions, to give way to a country that, without breaking with its history, has the talent necessary to modernize to the rhythm of the times, to lay the solid, solid, consistent bases that Allow to understand and solve the problems of a citizenship that raises unresolved demands and wishes to cancel the inequalities and inequities that are still lacerating.

2018. A Turncoat Election. Neoliberal PRI VS Nationalist PRI?

2018. A Turncoat Election. Neoliberal PRI VS Nationalist PRI?
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2017/08/24/una-sucesion-transfuga/

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

A few weeks ago, during the research seminar celebrated by the IIHS of the Universidad Veracruzana, a unique debate was presented, analyzing the consequences that political transference has had on Mexican democratization. The hypothesis with respect to the current regime where PRI predominates of all the political parties was enriched by the question of the change in the cliques and factions of the Mexican political system. The PRI colonization of the Mexican political parties is undoubted, as the thesis of illustrious Daniel Cosío Villegas prayed: only the PRI wins the PRI. And behold, the priista smurf and yellow pricommunist anvils have learned the lesson. The merit of the PAN, PRD, PVEM, MORENA, etc., is to postulate members of PRI. However, in the evolution of transitory times it is also necessary to observe the differences, continuities and discontinuities that the PRI has had.
In 1980 an important schism occurred within the Revolutionary Family between politicians and technocrats. The bloodletting of priistas evidenced the resistance to that the politics doubled before the liberal economist. The PRI became technocratic and reached more and more blue-white colors; Althougt it is true, one of the first postrevolutionary technocrats was Manuel Gómez Morín, inspired by primorriverismo, the Panistas in general little dominated the technique. PRI dissidents approached social political parties that coincided with their populist arts. The internal PRI conflict generated a mobility where politicians lost space in front of the liberal specialists of the economy; However, they were all going to integrate with the former opposition parties.
However, the PRI was not extinguished between the Mexican right and left. On the contrary, it has continued to be a source of political members for institutes representative of the ideological extremes in the country. A fellow researcher commented: the opposition has always been second and backpacker of the PRI, in all this time they have not been encouraged to form professional cadres nor to have own projects for the country. The populist journalist Arturo Luna Silva has characterized the antagonistic parties with a correct fable of Aesop: they constitute a frog opposition.
The PRI political culture survived the transition from hegemony to opposition and, even though its return to the presidency of the republic did not reinstate its political preeminence, it remains the main institute that has the electoral, corporatist and cacique structure to determine support Of who occupies the first magistrature of the country in 2018.
This division of political class has marked the alternations and rhythm of the Mexican political transition since 1988. The struggle between the technocracy and the politicians has served for the opposition and the factual powers to survive in the factional conflict. It has also been the main burden for democracy not to consolidate in the country. The battle between dinosaurs and yuppies has allowed that the partitocracia kidnap the order of the Mexican society. Technicians and rudos have made similar use of corporatist and delinquential informality to protect their interests to the detriment of the nation and society.
By 2018, so far, the presidential project of MORENA seems to be reaching an uncontainable point of support. The cliques and factions that make up the nationalist-populist-political-social project are consolidating a path towards electoral victory that will annul the country's technocratic control. The exhaustion of the technocratic-conservative-neoliberal-rightist group that José Cordoba Montoya inaugurated after the death of Luis Donaldo Colosio, has not found the ideal character that as Ernesto Zedillo, Vicente Fox, Felipe Calderón and Enrique Peña, manage to combine the interests of His various groups to remain in the presidency of the republic. Now the transfer will probably benefit Andrés Manuel López Obrador.
Will it happen with MORENA the same as with the PAN? National Action, now become the Priista Smurf for the full and consented invasion of the Atlacomulco Group, constitutes a reference on the evolution of the Mexican political class. According to the logic that Victor Reynoso uses to explain the PAN institutional model, the trajectory of mergers and ruptures constitutes the motor of the unstable dynamic equilibrium that the PAN preserves as it constitutes the crucible of Mexican rights. Each has had its time and place, history can tell who was up to the circumstances and was consistent with their beliefs. According to Maria Teresa Gómez Mont y Urueta, neoliberalism allowed a rapprochement between the PRI and PAN right; These elections are likely to be the defining moment for these New Right elites to finish unifying. Rafael Moreno Valle became the protagonist that identifies the new PAN politician. Maybe, characters like him imagined Gomez Morin from the beginning. Perhaps Entrepreneurs and the Catholic Church have been receptive to this type of behavior because they only know how to educate Mirreyes and send their "young ladies" to the hunt of distinguished priists, they lack adequate leaders and institutions to prepare their members. With Moreno Valle probably get what with Juan Andrew Almazan and Ezequiel Padilla could not. The 2018 will be a reissue of 1988 and 2006. The nationalist and neoliberal projects will be confronted once again.
The nationalist-populist project of MORENA must guard against the transference to avoid a history similar to that of National Action. The triumphs of conservative alternative nationalisms set the tone for a response to the radical changes humanity is experiencing. What should groups and society do that are disposable from the neoliberal perspective? Of course, to merge, organize against destruction. The middle class is constantly afraid of the nationalist project that is accused of socializing and authoritarian; However, the middle class and some subjects of the other social extremes, are disillusioned with this artilugo given the situation of vulnerability that begins to surround us on all sides. If one is guilty of extreme poverty, serious delinquency, ecological damage, general drug addiction, loss of values ​​and social order, etc., its name is neoliberalism. Mexico is a daily carnage thanks to the functionality between organized crime, technocrats and neoliberal globalization. Veracruz, a unique example of the country, is a neoliberal tragicomedy of what has been lived in Mexico for more than three decades. It is indispensable a historical rupture with priism and the way in which alternative nationalisms are mixing conservatism, patriotism, socialism, communism, ecologism and feminism, etc., is a singular option to stop turning its back on the history of Mexico. Serve the reader, the present table of current political trends from the perspective of Macario Schettino (2004)