Morelos: the gospel of the Anvil
By Diego Velázquez
The political situation in the entity that gave birth to General Emiliano Zapata, is proof of the capacity for anarchy, violence and blackmail that the Mexican far right can exercise. Infiltration, destabilization and terrorism are some of the conditions that have marked the actions of façade organizations such as the Testimony and Hope (Testimonio y Esperanza) Movement of Catholic nationalist roots. Jalisco, Michoacán, Guanajuato, Puebla, Querétaro and Aguascalientes, to name a few entities, have experienced situations of ungovernability derived from the deep and mysterious interests that integral intransigent Catholicism holds.
It is true that Graco Ramírez does not escape the condition of bad rulers; however, it is also true that the state administration has had to dismantle all those public spaces where the Catholic secret societies settled its possessions. The dozen of PAN governments are jointly responsible for the upbringing of crime, drug trafficking, underdevelopment and insecurity in Morelos. No government has been able to contain and organize the problems of that state, it deprives a factionalism and a scheme of conspiracies that annuls all public policy.
The confrontation of the state government with the rector of the Autonomous University of the State of Morelos (Universidad Autónoma del Estado de Morelos), is a phenomenon that had been lived in the Center for Research and Teaching in Humanities of the State of Morelos (CIDHEM Centro de Investigación y Docencia en Humanidades del Estado de Morelos). The persecution accusing the characters identified with the extreme right is ridiculous in comparison with what they did when they usurped power. Testimony and Hope (Testimonio y Esperanza) pursues its critics in the same way as Manuel Abad and Queipo, Matías Monteagudo or Félix María Calleja. Public Universities, City Councils, Dependencies, State Governments, etc., are managed under the worst mode of patrimonialism and corruption if the government is ultraconservative PAN. Not to mention when it comes to their spaces or companies: the Colonial Property is still the structure from which thinks the social order.
What happens in Morelos must be an element of conscience to decide what Mexicans want in the country. It is not the first time that the extreme right has appropriated the PRI candidate to the presidency of the republic; it happened with Miguel Alemán, Gustavo Díaz Ordaz and Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado. From 1941, the Americans forced the Mexican government to a "modus vivendi" that cohabited with the Holy See in public administration. Although Taxman is presented as a citizen, his training does not escape the characteristics that General Emilio Portes Gil attributed to young charismatic Catholics. Even when Technodino, in the end, is still an Ranch
manager.
One element must be highlighted in the political realignment that will lead to the candidacy of José Antonio Meade Kuribreña. Several groups of social Catholicism, and even the intransigent, are realizing that in the face of neoliberal globalization, vulnerability affects us all. The hacienditas (little farm) then, can disappear and break forever if the PRI retains the presidency; there will be no Ambrosian or Cantabrian financing when the NAFTA collapses and the United States opts for the military invasion to develop its own economy.
The intransigent integral Catholicism must allow the public administration and the Mexican State to progress. If there is no Public Good, there is no government, nor politics, nor country. The respect and defense of public goods is something that is urgent in Mexico, we will have to think and discuss the way.