The political defection

The Political Defection

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

 

When the Cold War represented the reality of global life, the superpowers made political agreements with extremely authoritarian actors to justify control of space.

Each alliance involved a few bastards who suited them for reasons of geostrategy.

The political defection of our time can be expressed in this way.

The hegemonic party takes the elements and cadres it needs without questioning too much about their ethical performance.

They represent positions necessary for total domination.

Defection changes when it is to the left or right.

The left is oriented under anthropological pessimism and liberalism moves in optimistic defection.

During the transition to democracy, defection was considered necessary because it would imply the development of independent and convinced political offers as in those post-communist societies.

The formation of free and autonomous political offers would allow society to choose between consolidated and institutionalized political parties.

Defection represented possibilities of liberation and learning.

Change as the fate of the person, the destiny and the teaching of life.

On the left, especially the one that interprets Marxism in a fundamentalist way, defection is seen as a temporary necessity, but with the possibility of exhausting it in the immediate future.

For the left, defection has no solution or remedy, the defectors are disposable and, therefore, the Stalinist purges are observed in a context where it is thought that society is the same as communities of amoebas, bees or ants.

Political liberalism is a path of civilization and social optimism; populism is not.

For the dictatorship of the majorities, the cadres that defect to Morena and that are now theirs, do not have the capacity for regeneration and in the immediate future they will be discarded because there will be no possibility of development for them, the path is to support the riddle of popular sentiment.

The justification of transfuguism as established by Sabina Berman and company, represents the death of politics, that is, the death of the solution of conflicts through civilized and parliamentary means.

Berman considers that politics has to be done by other means, violence, for example, because that and nothing more than that, represents the Yunes Clan and in those canons they came to establish agreements with Morena; as the PRI and the PAN did.

Sabina Berman cancels freedom and politics. She recognizes in her conciliatory argument with Yunism that the parliamentary, ideological and governmental capacity of the Morena is ending and an authoritarian cooptation is approaching as the communist and Nazi regimes initially practiced.

Transfuguism and infiltration

 Transfuguism and infiltration

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The hangover from the electoral process has generated the partisan emigration of several political cadres towards Morena, which had been happening since the beginning of the six-year term; but, now, it has increased disproportionately after the triumph of Sheinbaum Pardo and represents an uncontrollable phenomenon. Beyond the opportunism and pragmatism that these practices constitute, the despicable nature of some cases allows us to frame a greater phenomenon: infiltration. Transfuguism manifests the main Machiavellian virtue, that is, simulation; which in situations of siege and imperialism such as those that attack Mexico, should be taken with greater interest and attention.

In the studies of the Mexican extreme right, the journalist Álvaro Delgado describes the infiltration processes that secret societies promoted in the different economic, political and social sectors; until reaching a degree of almost absolute control. Institutions such as the PRI and the Mexican Army did not represent a major obstacle to the permeability of external agents, nor did co-optation serve as an insulator or a method of control. Loyalties in societies in transition are inexplicable. The infiltration carried out by other types of secret societies such as drug trafficking, crime and foreign agents, how much can be regulated in Morena?

The Hegemonic Party that is glimpsed in the organizational future of Morena may turn out to be a façade due to the disconnection that is noted between leadership cadres, public representatives, militants and society. No organization escapes the iron law of the oligarchy, the issue lies in ensuring that the leadership corresponds to the goals and bases of the movement. The narrative proposed by Gerardo Fernández Noroña, in concrete terms, is partially disconnected from reality, to the benefit of Lilly Téllez.

The elites represent one of the most pessimistic axioms of the social sciences, but these historical laws can also be reinterpreted. The formation of good elites, corresponding to the historical moment that a society is experiencing, can be achieved by regulating phenomena such as defection and the development of forms of party control and institutionalization.

The new and recent passengers of Morenoism are not innocuous agents. The political class has represented a risk for the Mexican State due to its lack of education, commitment and characteristic patrimonialism; what other risk do they represent if they obey principles alien to the national interest?