Terminator. Made in PCR

 Terminator. Made in PCR

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The farce of cultural purity has been the historical anchor that keeps Mexico in a medieval limbo. For generations, the Hispanic and Catholic ideology industry has constructed a narrative of victimization and false pride that, according to Mario Vargas Llosa's scathing diagnosis, constitutes true Latin American idiocy. This rhetorical Matrix, shared by both the folkloric left and the reactionary right, uses polarization to conceal an uncomfortable truth: attachment to the colonial, clerical, and collectivist heritage is not sovereignty, but rather the survival mechanism of a Creole elite that prefers to reign over the ruins of an impoverished country rather than submit to the rules of technical and inclusive modernity. In this scenario of paralysis, while the elites play at ideological simulation, the real Mexico has begun to refound itself from below, crossing the border and embracing an irreversible civilizational mutation.

The migratory phenomenon to the United States is not simply an economic flight, but an existential transmigration. Upon crossing the Rio Grande, Mexicans do not lose their identity; they shed their feudal ties and immerse themselves in the pragmatic liberalism of the American Old West. Thus, Spanglish and Mexican-American identity are born, a popular and bilingual republicanism that no longer fits the molds of the Creole homeland. The millions of compatriots who today speak a mixed language, who demand legal certainty, and who understand the value of individual effort over clerical cronyism, are operating under liberal and meritocratic values. This diaspora represents the great catalyst for a Mexican-American identity that has discovered that material well-being, access to credit, and legal security are preferable to the abstract dignity preached by armchair nationalists. The evidence is compelling, and utilitarian pragmatism doesn't lie: the Mexican-American experience demonstrates that deep integration offers a return on life infinitely superior to ideological isolation.

To understand the magnitude of the opportunity Mexico risks due to its cultural shortcomings, one need only critically examine the global landscape. The contemporary dilemma is not absolute autonomy, but rather choosing a smart subordination that yields dividends for development. Those countries that dared to adopt North American economic and technical security structures, such as South Korea and the Philippines, managed to break the cycle of underdevelopment and become manufacturing and democratic powerhouses. Even intermediate and criticized models like Puerto Rico enjoy living standards and institutional stability that would dwarf the reality of the average Mexican. Attempting to emulate the path of isolation or Third World neutrality is a recipe for collapse. In the midst of a new Cold War, the American train is not an optional choice, but the only escape route before falling into the productive "Argentinization" of Argentina or the predatory extractivism of authoritarian Asian capitalism.

It is here that current geopolitical reality demands a bold analogy to decipher the role of President Claudia Sheinbaum. In the Terminator film saga, the fate of humanity is not decided by a bureaucrat of the Anglo-Saxon establishment, but by Dani Ramos, a young working-class Mexican woman destined to lead the resistance against the machines. Today, Sheinbaum finds herself facing the same existential challenge: the advance of the Terminator manufactured in China, an economic and authoritarian titan that seeks to devour Western markets and turn peripheral nations into enclaves of debt and raw materials. To believe that Beijing or the BRICS schemes will come to rescue Mexico is criminally naive. China has never had a real interest in our development; it sees us as an economic province of Washington. If Sheinbaum aspires to save the nation's viability, she must assume the role of Dani Ramos in the face of the Asian threat and become the leader of the manufacturing and technological resistance of the North American bloc.

To achieve this feat, the governor would have to execute an epistemological break with the old nationalist left and adopt an essentially Mexican-American mindset. This implies defending Mexico's cultural richness internally, but operating with the coldness of a Wall Street technocrat externally. It means understanding that the country's future hinges on the supply chains of microchips, semiconductors, and North American logistics, and not on proclamations of Hispanicity or stale anti-Americanism.

It is essential to leave behind the trauma of the nineteenth century and accept that geography is destiny. Embracing pragmatic Americanization means closing the institutional gap described by Francis Fukuyama, Daron Acemoglu, and James Robinson, transitioning from an extractive and feudal system to an inclusive and modern one. True courageous honesty for the second phase of the Fourth Transformation lies in admitting that Mexico's future is chained to the dollar and the success of the West. The train is moving, migration has already laid the tracks, and all that remains is for the political leadership to have the courage to board the train of modernity.

North America: the cage of the Mexican economy

North America: the cage of the Mexican economy

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Why can't Mexico get off the American train? The favorite narrative of Mexican nationalism is as predictable as it is harmful.

Every time tensions with Washington escalate, the inner circle of invisible power—those corporate and political elites who operate to maintain Mexico as a modern version of the Habsburg Model—pulls out the worn-out script of diversification.

They tell us, with a flippancy bordering on irresponsibility, that the solution is to look toward Beijing or Moscow; that, supposedly being one of the world's leading economies, we possess the strength to emancipate ourselves from the American production chain and access the global market autonomously.

It's madness.

A populist fantasy designed for domestic consumption that clashes head-on with the country's arithmetic and social reality.

If Mexico truly possessed that economic capacity and structural strength, it wouldn't exhibit the glaring inequalities that fracture the country, nor would it depend on the systematic expulsion of its own people to keep domestic consumption afloat.

The truth is harsher and less glamorous: Mexico has voluntarily chained itself to the United States, and today, it is the only path left to avoid collapse.

It is necessary to scrutinize the figures of self-deception with objective data.

The myth of self-sufficiency crumbles when one observes the phenomenon of migration and its real impact.

It is true that demagogues on both sides of the border often distort the variables: there are not 60 million undocumented immigrants in the United States; the total population of Mexican origin is around 38 million, of whom approximately 5 million lack legal status.

However, reducing the problem to a discussion of visas is to ignore the depth of the tragedy.

The real tragedy is not the legal status in the north, but the economic prostration in the south. Remittances are not a macroeconomic achievement to boast about on official platforms; they are the barometer of the Mexican state's failure. In rural communities across the vast majority of the country's states, dependence is absolute: in the most vulnerable segments of the rural population, practically one in three households survives thanks to the dollars earned in the fields of California, the kitchens of New York, or the construction industry in Texas.

The Mexican economic model functions, in essence, like a gigantic Porfirian-era hacienda for human exports.

The inner circle of power prefers to maintain this status quo because migration acts as the great social safety valve.

It allows for the merciless exploitation of the indigenous and mestizo population, denying them decent wages, security, and local opportunities, knowing that the surplus labor will ultimately finance social peace from abroad.

Remittances are, paradoxically, the subsidy that workers in the U.S. pay to the Mexican elite so that nothing changes.

It is the perfect mechanism for perpetuating inequality without triggering a revolution.

To think that China or Russia will replace this symbiosis is to misunderstand how geography and the global economy work.

Mexico is not an autonomous middle power; it is a critical, but subordinate, link in the North American market.

Eighty percent of its exports go north.

Its infrastructure, value chains, and legal treaties are all intertwined with the North American ecosystem.

Flirting with extra-hemispheric autocratic powers is not a strategy; it is geopolitical suicide that Washington will not tolerate and that the markets will punish immediately.

The alternative to deep integration is not sovereignty; it is chaos: a genuinely closed border and a massive return of capital and people.

Without the safety valve of migration and with stagnant binational trade, the Mexican social fabric would tear apart in a matter of weeks.

That void wouldn't be filled by the State; it would be filled by drug trafficking and organized crime, which already control entire fiefdoms of the national territory.

We would go from being an integrated economy to a large-scale failed state, a hacienda set ablaze by its own demons.

Robert Pastor was right, and it's time for the Mexican inner circle to accept it without the national complexes of the 19th century: Mexico's future lies not in utopian emancipation, but in the acceleration and democratization of North American integration.

It is necessary to move from maquiladoras and the export of cheap labor to a true economic community with clear rules, social cohesion funds that close infrastructure gaps, and realistic binational migration policies.

Mexico will not find its salvation in the Silk Road nor in the delusions of grandeur of a paper sovereignty.

Our destiny is inextricably tied to the north. To deny this is not patriotism; it is complicity with backwardness.

The great mistake of the Salinas technocracy was assuming that the success of the first Mexico would automatically pull the second along. It didn't.

North American subsidies (via remittances and export demand) are the only thing preventing internal inequality from triggering a violent social explosion.

Mexico is condemned to North American integration because geography is destiny.

Any attempt at emancipation toward Eurasian powers is not sovereignty; it is a discursive charade to keep the country's radical base happy while, behind the scenes, trade agreements with Washington continue to be signed.

The American train is the only one that passes through our station; getting off it is not an option, it is the abyss.

While the ideologues of the so-called Fourth Transformation theorize in universities about the discovery of China, joining the BRICS, and a budding romance with the Russia-Beijing axis, the real economy reminds us that Mexico has no room to maneuver.

It's not a question of sovereignty; it's a condition of strict and absolute dependence.

Data from the Bank of Mexico dismantles any narrative of diversification.

At the end of last year, Mexican exports reached a record high, but 83% of those shipments had a single destination: the United States.

To pretend that Mexico can flirt with a geopolitical alliance with China while ignoring the USMCA is to misunderstand the basic rules of global trade. If the Asian Dragon has any place in the Mexican value chain, it will only be under the strict rules of origin dictated by Washington.

Anything else is just rhetoric for the consumption of the party faithful.

In the classic Arabian tale "The Tale of the Two Who Dreamed" from One Thousand and One Nights, a man travels to distant lands in search of treasure, only to discover that the wealth was always buried in his own backyard.

Mexican populist progressivism makes the same mistake, but in reverse: it seeks a utopia of development in China's totalitarian state, when the reality of our survival is knocking on the door of our northern neighbor.

The true engine of social stability in Mexico is not government assistance programs, but the small, everyday money that sustains the fabric of the most forgotten communities.

The flow of remittances is the true buffer against poverty, directly supporting one in three households in the country.

If the Donald Trump administration were to carry out its threats, the socioeconomic collapse of the states with the longest history of emigration would be unprecedented.

The dilemma of Mexican foreign policy allows for neither ambiguity nor calculated silence.

Continuing to fuel the falsehood of populist sovereignty, while drug trafficking and institutional corruption spread unchecked, is playing with fire.

Neither China, nor Russia, nor the BRICS have sent a single screw to turn Mexico into the Ukraine of North America.

Alignment with North America is not a moral capitulation; it is the only viable path to guarantee economic viability and improve the social conditions of the population.

This disconnect between aspirations for self-sufficiency and productive reality is also evident at the local level.

In the state of Puebla—home to the Puebla Group—for example, institutional efforts to boost competitiveness, such as the development of the new CU2 complex at the Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla (BUAP), focused on engineering and exact sciences, the development of the Olinea vehicle, and the Ciudad Audi automotive cluster, illustrate a profound structural challenge.

While these initiatives are born with the legitimate purpose of spurring innovation, in practice they face serious implementation difficulties, plagued by bureaucratic problems, a lack of effective connection with the formal labor market, and accusations of patronage that limit their real social impact.

In contrast to the rigorous industrial and educational planning that characterizes Asian powers, local projects in Mexico often lack the ecosystem of legal certainty and transparency necessary to increase regional productivity.

Would the Beijing politburo allow such a waste of resources and talent on its own soil? Of course not.

The only thing that saves Mexico from its tremendous planned inefficiency is the United States.

Economic vulnerability is exacerbated by the imminent review of the USMCA.

This process will not be a mere formality; Washington is coming to the negotiating table with a markedly protectionist stance, demanding stricter labor oversight mechanisms, even more restrictive industrial rules of origin, and review clauses that reduce long-term certainty for investments.

For Mexico, any neglect at this negotiating table or a potential collapse of the trade agreement would imply a paralysis in the balance of payments that the formal economy could not withstand for more than a year.

Mexico finds itself at a crossroads where economic dependence on the United States is not an ideological choice, but a condition of survival imposed by the very realities of its geography, economy, and social stability.

The key to understanding this situation can be simplified with a simple analogy, like that of the apples, sticks, and balls, which brutally reveals the vulnerabilities we face.

Imagine that Mexico produces ten apples to sell on the global market.

The reality is that eight of those apples are consumed by our neighbor to the north, the United States.

The other two are distributed among Europe, Latin America, and other countries.

China barely buys a bite of one apple.

This means that if the United States decides to close the door or impose high tariffs on our exports, Mexico will be left with eight apples rotting in its yard, without a nearby buyer or enough money to absorb all of our production.

China, for its part, won't cross the Pacific Ocean to buy those apples, since it produces its own cheaper fruit and has a domestic market that satisfies its needs.

The Mexican economy is closely linked to that of its northern neighbor, and this dependence isn't a matter of patriotism, but of economic logic: no one else has the proximity, the size, or the purchasing power to sustain our production.

The second element of this relationship is the support that props up our budget.

In a rural community, the table that represents the economy of many families in Guerrero, Oaxaca, or Michoacán is held up by three pillars: what they grow, government social programs, and remittances sent from the United States.

The reality is that if remittance income is eliminated, social stability collapses, because that money is crucial for people to be able to eat, pay for medicine, or maintain their homes.

Social programs, while valuable, are not enough to cover all basic needs.

Most of the country's income comes from the wages of those who work in the United States.

Without that source, millions would fall into abject poverty within weeks.

The third element is the network of organized crime, which controls a large part of Mexican territory.

The legal economy, with its factories and maquiladoras (assembly plants), can only be sustained if the United States keeps its market open, if the factories continue operating, and if remittances arrive without interruption.

If the U.S. economy shuts down, those factories close, and unemployed young people become easy prey for drug trafficking, which offers a quick and dangerous escape.

This dependence creates a vacuum that organized crime is ready to fill, delivering the country into chaos and lawlessness.

Photo EFE

These three elements demonstrate that Mexico's economy is in a kind of cage from which it cannot escape without facing almost certain collapse.

The United States economy is about twenty times larger than Mexico's, and in a scenario of rupture, Mexico could not sustain itself on its own.

China, which has a huge trade surplus with Mexico, will not act as a lifeline; its interest is in selling, not subsidizing.

The border with the United States, which sees over two billion dollars in daily trade, would be a wall that would halt all of Mexico's productive capacity.

The idea of ​​absolute sovereignty, without integration with North America, is a dangerous illusion.

Mexico is an appendage of the United States; for our country, attempting to separate would be tantamount to death.

North America. A new war of samurais against Tlaxcalians?

North America. A new war of Samurais against Tlaxcalians?  Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Recent history and global geopolitical dynamics reveal that empires and nations are in constant transformation, driven by economic, strategic, and cultural interests. In recent years, the contribution of various Indigenous groups to the construction of the Spanish Empire has been emphasized, sometimes sensationally, highlighting the struggles on various Asian peninsulas where Spain attempted to expand and spread the Catholic Counter-Reformation in strategic territories of global significance. Historical evidence clearly shows how great powers have vied for resources, influence, and hegemony in scenarios where power dynamics have been defined by competition for natural resources, trade routes, and military control, revealing a recurring pattern in the history of empires and their confrontations.

In the contemporary context, North America emerges as the main stage for a possible geopolitical reconfiguration, where China and the United States appear poised to star in a new edition of the Cold War. The competition for global hegemony is shifting to this continent, which in recent decades has been an epicenter of economic, political, and military tensions and disputes. China's expansion in the Americas, driven by its Belt and Road Initiative, and its growing presence in countries like Mexico and Canada, point to a consolidation process that could alter the regional balance. China's presence in North America involves not only economic interests but also strategic ones, with the potential creation of "forward ports" in Canada and the expansion of its influence in key sectors such as energy, infrastructure, and technology.

The Canadian case is particularly relevant, given that its decision to strengthen economic ties with China and accelerate its process of de-Americanization has generated far-reaching concerns. The possibility of Canada becoming inundated with Chinese immigrants, as has happened in the United States with approximately 50 million undocumented Mexican immigrants, raises a series of questions about the country's social and demographic transformation. The informal economic alliance with China, which has deepened in the current context, can be interpreted as an attempt by Canada to emancipate itself from US influence, seeking a path to autonomy that entails high political and social costs. The question that arises is whether the United States will allow China to move its "beachheads" to areas closer to its border, thus consolidating a presence that could jeopardize US supremacy in its own sphere of influence. China is overwhelming the United States economically and industrially, in addition to drugging the Anglo-Saxon population with fentanyl.

The Canadian decision, in this sense, represents an act of audacity that challenges traditional US hegemony, revealing a strategy of de-Americanization that, while costly, reflects a desire for autonomy. The question then becomes what consequences this policy will have for Mexico and the rest of the countries in the region. The possibility that North America could become an arena where Chinese and Mexican immigrants might engage in a socioeconomic and cultural dispute is a hypothesis that should not be dismissed, particularly if we consider that the United States and China could maintain a low-intensity war or a containment agreement, which in practice would amount to a form of "Detente."

In this scenario, the tension between migrant communities could resemble a Vietnam-style conflict within the United States' Lebensraum, where colonial needs and the struggle for resources and social recognition intertwine, generating a dispute that would be exploited by external actors seeking to weaken American influence. The Canadian decision, therefore, not only shocks the American empire but also redefines the power dynamics in the region. The difference between the rebellions in Brazil or Venezuela and the intransigence in Canada lies in the proximity and strategic importance of the northern country, which could mark a turning point in continental geopolitics. The future of tomorrow is being built today, and within it, the struggle for influence in North America will reflect the global tensions that will define the balance of power in the coming years.

Mexico and the Canadian Bet

Mexico and the Canadian Bet

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The economic and political reality of Mexico reveals that, despite rhetoric and aspirations for independence, the country remains deeply tied to the U.S. economy.

The global trend, as evidenced by Canada's recent alliances with China, shows a shift toward diversification and the search for new trading partners.

However, in the Mexican case, this strategy is not only unfeasible but also dangerous.

Trade with the United States represents more than 80% of Mexican exports, and the dependence on this market is so pronounced that any change in U.S. policy has a direct effect on the country's economic stability.

Data indicates that Mexican imports from China have almost doubled in the last decade, reaching $62 billion by 2025, with intermediate goods that enhance the competitiveness of Mexican industry.

But this same vulnerability is reflected in exports, which reached a record $5.2 billion in 2022, primarily minerals, electronic circuits, and auto parts, all destined for China.

However, this diversification does not alter the reality: the Mexican economy is structurally designed to depend on the United States.

Canada's proposal to reduce its dependence on the U.S. through agreements with China and other countries serves as an example that Mexico cannot afford to ignore, but it also reveals the complexity of doing so without losing stability and sovereignty.

The narrative of Mexican nationalism, a pantheon of myths, has fueled a perception of self-sufficiency for decades, which in reality has only served to reinforce dependence.

The idea that Mexico can become a middle power, like Canada, requires not only a solid economic strategy but also a profound cultural shift, one that blends Anglo-Saxon and Mexican influences to build a more autonomous identity.

However, in practice, the country remains a U.S. backyard, with an economy and politics that reflect this subordination.

While Canada seeks alliances with China to reduce its dependence, Mexico remains trapped in a system where economic sovereignty is increasingly becoming an illusion.

The stark reality is that, however painful it may be to accept, Mexico cannot break free from the United States without jeopardizing its stability, its jobs, and its very future.

This dependence is not only economic, but also cultural and political, and this reality, however much it is disguised, is one of the main barriers preventing Mexico from truly taking off without this shadow that ultimately shapes its destiny.

Trump. Weird American, the real Mister Danger

Trump. An weird american, the real Mister Danger

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

In recent days, a serious contradiction has begun to emerge in United States foreign policy regarding economic issues.

At times, President Trump seeks to isolate China from all countries and then offers a free trade agreement with the Asian giant. These ambiguities and zigzags put countries like Mexico and Latin America as a whole in a tremendous bind because they fail to understand how Trump intends to resolve the economic crisis in the United States.

The situation also demonstrates the terrible vulnerability of Mexico's productive structures and the lack of efficient strategies on the part of the ruling groups in the long run.

On the one hand, there isn't even a way to protect the domestic market; on the other hand, there is no will to create a regional economic bloc to jointly resist the crisis in the countries severely affected by Donald Trump's whims.

In Mexico, this translates into economic madness, radical expectations, confusion, and terrible fears.

What certainties remain for Mexico? First, it must address the issue of its migrants and secure the country's exports to North America.

It seems ridiculous, but it is a reality that the price of tomatoes, tortillas, and avocados depend on the presence of Asian products and immigrants considered enemies by the Trumpist Republicans; although this could change tomorrow.

Some of the measures taken by the Fourth Transformation in favor of Castro-Chavista Bolivarianism are surprisingly also included in the fentanyl and illegal immigration package. The incorporation of Caribbean and South American professionals, even with philanthropic and social purposes, ends up being a decision contrary to North American geopolitics.

There are no alternatives to avoid Mexico's economic dependence on the US, nor is there an economically powerful nation willing to rescue our country. On the contrary, we see that Mexican orphanhood is multiplying compared to other US geopolitical centers.

If Mexico survives, once again, it will be time to consider an economic model that begins soon; at least as an auxiliary option against scenarios like Trump's. Emergency economies at the local level, observed in rural and indigenous communities, can be survival mechanisms in these times. Barter and tequio should be viewed more as economic proposals and less as electoral populism.

The social system inherited from the 20th century culminated in Mexico's absolute dependence on the United States; but also in its complete rejection.

Somehow, the problem must be solved in the short term. A third Trump administration will be more than fatal for Mexico. National reconstruction is a more than indispensable measure.

Transfuguism and Plot. The characteristics of the transition via elections

Transfuguism and Plot. The characteristics of the transition via elections

August 17, 2020
Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/08/17/Transfuguismo-y-Contubernio-Las-caracter%C3%ADsticas-de-la-transici%C3%B3n-v%C3%ADa-elecciones

Why does Mexico continue under the electoral route scheme to build its democracy? Although political scientists called the model of the Mexican transition “Via Competitive Elections”, the data on corruption, fraud, vote buying and corporatism leave much to be desired about the importance of the Mexican electoral system. Rather, the electoral system becomes the judicial political arena where political factions resolve their differences. The Mexican transition should be called: Political transition via judicialized elections. And if it is remembered that the Mexican political system and the foundations of the Nation State were built by lawyers, perhaps this characterization is understood. Lately, the Mexican judicial system created mediation structures and houses of justice precisely to demonstrate the importance of reaching agreements due to the prolonged and rugged condition that judicializing things implies. The Mexican judicial system is corrupt, incompetent and incapable of providing justice. The judicial processes in Mexico are dark, onerous and long - if not infinite - that few decide and endure to maintain. Hence, “mediation” has been implemented as a cultural and economic way to accommodate reparation, but not justice, in litigation.

However, the creation of the Mexican electoral system generated a special section of the contentious sphere in electoral processes, few countries in democratic consolidation have special courts for electoral matters and political rights trials. In reality, these ways constitute spaces for collusion and a pact - not always honest or definitive - that tempers the radicalization of the actors.

Justice is unattainable and, therefore, perhaps these forms are the best possible in cultures such as Mexico. The electoral system of our country has not been able to combat the vices that characterize the political tradition, although citizenship allows us to recover evidence of improper acts or contradictions to inform public opinion in the way that the electoral course had, this is not a guarantee of a fair electoral process, power groups negotiate and the results can be convenient or immoral to society. In the end, it is the correlation of forces that determines the product of the negotiation. Democracy, then, becomes the marketing of the popular will.

Although this was proposed as an innovator in the creation of the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE), now INE (National Electoral Institute), in reality it happened within the Institutional Revolutionary Party and only with the sectors that made up the revolutionary coalition. The priistologists wondered about the mode of distribution of the candidacies in the PRI and the presidential succession, thanks to hermeneutic studies (Garrido, Ai Camp, Crespo), mathematical (Gil / Schmidt) and fictional (Castañeda and Álvarez Mosqueda), we found a negotiating table where the cliques made agreements and had radical measures to enforce them. The president of the republic was a “primus inter pares”, the great hegemonic elector; but, a mortal god. Every political succession involved this form of negotiations. The model was transferred to the Mexican electoral system in its judicial dimension and, now, instead of negotiating the PRI cliques, they negotiate the oligarchies of the parties - where, by the way, many PRI members were transferred.

Manuel Camacho Solís always held the idea of ​​a change without rupture, which is why, perhaps, in the form of inertia, that has come to mean the Mexican electoral system. A romantic table of national reconciliation will hardly occur where a form of stony and eternal political order is defined. Spain, Chile, Greece, Portugal and the countries of the ex-communist bloc, built a form of political negotiation that consolidated democracy in a dynamic way unlike our country. The unfortunate thing about the Mexican case is that the judicialization-negotiation does not imply electoral justice or true democracy, but basic agreements to overcome political competition and where, as in the Mexican legal system, those who have more money to buy the judges and do the best show, they are what they manage to impose. The recent scandal of the oil company Odebrecht and its derivations reveal the way in which corrupt lobbying influences elections and the shaping of economic interests. Why haven't the political registration of the PRI and PAN been taken away?

Manuel Camacho Solís, one of the main political strategists of salinism and lopezobradorism, proposed the idea of ​​"change without rupture" for the Mexican political system, since doing so would generate ruptures, breaks, fragmentations, could lead the country to catastrophic scenarios of ungovernability and dissolution. Like Jesús Reyes Heroles, time and reality have come to prove them right. Mexico still lives in the old regime and the more it tries to get out of that space, the more it ends up sinking and tying the historical knots of the Mexican political system.

The political transition consists of a historical break, a change of regime from the theoretical perspective that you want to propose. This phenomenon has not occurred in Mexico, the political alternations move under the protocol of the old regime.

With Morena and AMLO, the phenomenon of political participation occurred, which generated a massive vote to avoid fraud and electoral bureaucratic tricks. However, the pragmatic alliances of the National Regeneration Movement fill Q4 with contradictions and make López Obrador's campaign promises unfeasible. Despite the fact that President Andrés Manuel enjoys a broad electoral base, he has had to coexist with prianism and, even, admit radical ultra-right cadres into the public administration. In the integration process to reach state and federal governments, Morena included eminent politicians from Acción Nacional as well as Catholic nationalist groups and humanist businessmen, who had not found candidates in the PAN or were excluded. AMLO received, uncritically, a considerable number of intransigent integral Catholics linked, or not, to the reserved societies and who occupy important positions in the public administration at the federal and state levels.

The right is experiencing a process of disintegration of the party that traditionally brought them together. The PAN presidential candidacy and the 2018 electoral process generated a civil war of the right-wing factions that culminated in the departure of several cadres and contingents of the PAN to independent movements and the National Regeneration Movement.

Jean Meyer wonders how a government would have had from the synarchist perspective. By 2000, and twelve years later, Mexico could not to establish the government that the Cristeros imagined, nor that that the Christian democratic intellectuals proposed.

Neoliberalism was an economic regime that subordinated politics to its interests without contempt for who governs. Thus, then, rather than building a “Mary Help of Christians” throughout the country, what happened was the establishment of a series of pacts with various powers of the matter –particularly drug trafficking– to maintain governance. National Action could not make a regime change, a historical break; on the contrary, the electoral arena is the negotiating table, the Moncloa Pact, where the actors negotiate the interests of the citizens.

The PAN was characterized by taking the teaching corporatism and caciquil power to correct political alternations and, at least, know the public administration at the federal and state levels. Suddenly, they appeared as respectable PAN members, former members of the Revolutionary Family and the neo-PRI generations. During the government of Enrique Peña Nieto, a PRI administration of the country can be seen in the formulation of public policies such as "The Pact for Mexico" and the electoral negotiation-agreement.

In contrast to the Catholic nationalist politicians who went to MORENA, some more decided to integrate front groups such as FRENA (Frente Nacional Anti-Amlo) and, in an ambiguous way, radicalize their positions so that the yunquistas and Tecos, who are in the administration public of Morena, obtain better positions and charges; Or, to form a political position that - now - is concentrated in the Citizen Movement or in local political institutes that aspire to build citizen candidacies away from the progressivism that 4T represents and according to the development of the political crisis as a result of COVID and its effects . Also, abandoned from the PAN, is a religious right that opts for an apocalyptic discourse and points out the importance of Donald Trump being re-elected to contrast the war waged against Western culture by Asian countries - particularly China - and Islam - fundamentally the one developed in Europe. For this last trend, what is important is that a West is formed around the United States and that the Catholic Church is in charge of purifying Christianity based on the geopolitical model of Eastern Europe. The members of the apocalyptic right, even delegitimize the papal authority of Mario Bergoglio and opt for a Tridentine tendency close to Ratzinger.

The element that will define the behavior of religious rights is constituted by the North American elections. At the geopolitical level they will have to decide whether to support Biden or Trump, according to the hegemony of Russia and China to develop. The advance of Chinese civilization is more dangerous for uncompromising integral Catholicism since the current government is not distinguished by religious tolerance and respect for human rights that Catholicism has found in other societies, likewise, because within China, the Catholic Church is insignificant.

Hence, while Catholic nationalists within the Morenoite government advance and remain silent, radical Catholic groups in FRENA and Movimiento Ciudadano, rebuild the anti-communist rhetoric (Although they do not directly attack China) and seek to promote a crusade for Western civilization that approximates Donald Trump as the contemporary Saint George or Ronald Reagan.

AMLO has fallen into the vicious circle of Mexican-style negotiations. Catholic nationalism operates as it has always been doing. In a long-term perspective, the Empire of the Holy See seizes every opportunity. Morena is in detention and unable to fulfill her campaign promises. This is a point in favor of the groups that do not have the same flags as Morena and many points against those who voted for Morena and expected great transformations. Morena will deliver little of what he promised in the campaign and runs the risk of being a great disappointment.

Donald Trump: Mario Bergoglio's Ronald Reagan?

August 11, 2020 

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero 

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/08/11/Donald-Trump-%C2%BFEl-Ronald-Reagan-de-Mario-Bergoglio?fbclid=IwAR3LTFEZPhmBEXKKl22FViUijG2iP3XNei0luqGHQw9tFSgH-ZMCa8WYkD4

In the last two thousand years the role of Christianity was central to the configuration of Europe, however, it was also constituted as an arrogant and excessive empire that built a counterproductive narrative to the doctrine it claims to represent. The historical Christ was not Christian, European, did not speak Latin and was not white. Neither did he claim political-religious unity nor was he interested in geopolitics. The Catholic Church contributed to the creation of the West and Europe, doing the opposite according to the gospels. However, the Catholic Church is one of the bastions of what has come to be called Christianity and which, for some, is the essence of the West. 

Although the Catholic Church is thought to be a solid and coherent monolith, the truth is that it resembles a fragmented rainbow, sometimes on the verge of breaking. Those fractures served to develop some of the Protestant nations that built the model of the Nation State and Western modernity in Europe. The Civil War within the Catholic Church has always existed, for some, this conflict is the characteristic of a living religion, for others, it is a sign of the decline, lies and exhaustion of Christianity. 

During the 19th century, radical Catholicism saw a total reduction in its influence and hegemony. The rebellion of the masses was cause and effect, for the Holy See to regain its hegemony and, even, expand its power thanks to the alliance with the United States of America. Neither France, Italy, Germany, Spain or Portugal were as good allies as the American Union. Karol Wojtyla contributed to creating the world order that Catholic nationalists accuse so much now, however, he obtained important spaces for Catholicism in broad geographical, economic, political and cultural spheres. From the outset, in Eastern Europe, the Iberian Peninsula, Africa and Latin America, its hegemony is undeniable. Bergoglio was one of Wojtyla's structuring agents for the consolidation of the rights in the southern cone of Latin America, precisely with that bellicose Catholicism that promoted the Falklands War and made Argentina a more than representative bastion of Catholic nationalism. 

The war conflict between Argentina and England was extra-logical in a context such as that of the Cold War, but it allowed the rights on the continent to legitimize itself and Catholic nationalism to find martyrs to justify its rhetoric. Argentina, Brazil and Chile have a significant military arsenal to intervene in any Latin American nation if the United States decides to abandon the colonies it has, and the Latin American governments abandoned, but finally free and progressive - in a bizarre and parallel world - have the courage to make alliances with geopolitical Islam or mainland China. This would serve for the political groups of the religious right to prevail in their countries and seek stability in the space of Latin America that they consider their own. This way of supporting the suicidal military action of the Argentine dictatorship legitimized Catholic nationalism and the Holy See that, tacitly, promoted the conflict and irritated the Anglo-Saxon culture to make presence of the intransigent integral Catholicism that not only maintained a low-intensity anti-communist war rather, he even dared to shoot himself with the English Metropolis. The war, small or tragic, was a baptism of fire for Argentines and introduced them to the club of armed countries that develop a certain capacity to conflict for historical causes that the Catholic right considers legitimate. The United States reserved partial neutrality and allowed Argentine military actions to evolve on their own. The facts speak for themselves, the Falklands War was not a fantasy. The conservatives will always be ready to destroy the temple and then raise it in three days, they will always be the alarm bells to create a new enemy - real or imagined - that seeks to end Christianity and the West.

The question now arises regarding the ability of Mario Bergoglio to go beyond what Karol Wojtyla did, since North American Catholics have broad support for Trump and thus pressure so that in the North American political process, the Catholic Church supports re-election of the Republican Party. The North American elections represent a momentous moment for conservatives in the West, particularly for religious rights, in the case of intransigent integral Catholicism. Bergoglio is a Bishop who knows how to set in motion the aggressiveness of intransigent integral Catholic groups, although traditional groups judge him as slow and permissive towards progressives, at heart, Bergoglio is more political than Ratzinger.

The pandemic is the ideal time for Catholic nationalism. Now, with more reason and evidence, they can blame progressivism, modernity and multiculturalism, for the evils that humanity now has. The southern cone and its military capabilities may be the starting point for the conflicts that Catholic nationalism imagines when 5G China hits the board of the New World Order.

For Catholic nationalism, Bergoglio must act as he did in the Argentine conflict against the English. The Holy See recovered in Latin America the territories lost in Europe and, although Argentina, Brazil and Chile are not Catholic military bases, they constitute epicenters of Catholic nationalism that develop social magnitudes and chains of events to destabilize any social order that is counterproductive to their interests. The Cristero War in Mexico is an example of the interventionism and manipulation that can be done to stop the social and anticlerical projects of a government.

Now, America's religious right needs the support of the Catholic Church in its constituency and, perhaps, in control of the world. President Donald Trump, like Franklin D. Roosevelt, Eisenhower, and Reagan, requires this help. Once again, the Golden International and the Black International are going to come together to contain the progressives, socialists, enlightened and other religious-racial groups.

In the western crusade, Donald Trump will be the Ronald Reagan of the Catholic hierarchs, the new Brzezinski can influence the Catholic ayatollahs to go against the New World Order. Even when the pandemics have generated that the powers are delimited to their immediate surroundings, no space is left without control and that alliance between the Catholic Church and the Republican Party will have significant consequences in the countries subordinate to these hegemonies.

In Mexico, for example, the 4T has been locked up between the Guadalupano snitching pricommunists and the ultra-conservative evangelicals and Catholics who, with everything that FRENA says or the social movements do, have gained spaces in the current government bureaucracy. If Catholics have something, in the words of Lucas Alamán, it is chambismo, emploomania, which not only implies belonging to the most unproductive and parasitic class in the world but also subjecting the institutions to the interests of the Bishops. Will they end up supporting Morena, if AMLO is also interested in the reelection of Donald Trump? Morena, like the PRI, PAN and PRD, has generated a pragmatism that links the most antagonistic tendencies and factions to generate a zero point where the decisions remain with the Catholic leaders and the heads of government. The extreme right that is within Morena is preparing to promote AMLO if the Roman Clergy asks them, or to destabilize the government if MORENA promotes policies that affect the traditional interests of Catholicism. AMLO, like FOX and CALDERÓN, suffers from the impotence generated by the clericalism of catacombs.

The immobility caused by the lack of definition of the North American elections begins to be clarified, the Catholic Church will pragmatically support Donald Trump according to the measure of its interests. But he can still agree with Joe Biden, in the same way that he has achieved a concordat with China. Which does not hurt against the advance of other religions such as Islam and postmodern and multi-religious society.

The threat of Covid generated a radical change in social structures, the Big Brother dystopia has become a reality and everyone will be locked in the computer. After 9/11, mobility was the goal of terrorists and powers, finally, human beings will be localized, separated and distinguished. The case of sports bubbles in Florida is the prelude to a significant form of the New World Order.

For the North American Religious Right, there is the consideration that only Trump can effectively confront the Chinese or, at least, scare them away adequately. If China succeeds in the face of the New World Order, it will have the possibility of extending its hegemony in other latitudes, as is the case of Latin America and starting a cultural-political-social-economic influence that would be overwhelming due to the racial and linguistic proximity with the groups. indigenous and mestizos in Latin American countries and in the southern United States. This without considering the Chinese immigration that has been strong, constant and hidden (The experience of Tepito, Sinaloa, Chiapas and Yucatán are important advances in the Chinese recognition of the racial, syncretistic and cultural condition that brings the Mexican case closer to its culture). China has made a concordat with the Catholic Church, but it is unlikely that it will survive if the pantheistic, animist, syncretistic, Buddhist, environmental and contemplative religions find a reference in the cultural variable of China. Queztalcóatl is a Chinese dragon.