Trump. An weird american, the real Mister Danger
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
In recent days, a serious contradiction has begun to emerge in United States foreign policy regarding economic issues.
At times, President Trump seeks to isolate China from all countries and then offers a free trade agreement with the Asian giant. These ambiguities and zigzags put countries like Mexico and Latin America as a whole in a tremendous bind because they fail to understand how Trump intends to resolve the economic crisis in the United States.
The situation also demonstrates the terrible vulnerability of Mexico's productive structures and the lack of efficient strategies on the part of the ruling groups in the long run.
On the one hand, there isn't even a way to protect the domestic market; on the other hand, there is no will to create a regional economic bloc to jointly resist the crisis in the countries severely affected by Donald Trump's whims.
In Mexico, this translates into economic madness, radical expectations, confusion, and terrible fears.
What certainties remain for Mexico? First, it must address the issue of its migrants and secure the country's exports to North America.
It seems ridiculous, but it is a reality that the price of tomatoes, tortillas, and avocados depend on the presence of Asian products and immigrants considered enemies by the Trumpist Republicans; although this could change tomorrow.
Some of the measures taken by the Fourth Transformation in favor of Castro-Chavista Bolivarianism are surprisingly also included in the fentanyl and illegal immigration package. The incorporation of Caribbean and South American professionals, even with philanthropic and social purposes, ends up being a decision contrary to North American geopolitics.
There are no alternatives to avoid Mexico's economic dependence on the US, nor is there an economically powerful nation willing to rescue our country. On the contrary, we see that Mexican orphanhood is multiplying compared to other US geopolitical centers.
If Mexico survives, once again, it will be time to consider an economic model that begins soon; at least as an auxiliary option against scenarios like Trump's. Emergency economies at the local level, observed in rural and indigenous communities, can be survival mechanisms in these times. Barter and tequio should be viewed more as economic proposals and less as electoral populism.
The social system inherited from the 20th century culminated in Mexico's absolute dependence on the United States; but also in its complete rejection.
Somehow, the problem must be solved in the short term. A third Trump administration will be more than fatal for Mexico. National reconstruction is a more than indispensable measure.
