Puebla: Is the alternation derailed?

 Puebla: Is the alternation derailed?

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

In some entities, factionalism predominates over projects and political parties, as it has been in the entity where the avilacamachista cacicazgo reverberates everywhere. And as happened with the General from Teziutlán, death abruptly decides the political destiny of the people of Puebla. Although it is considered that true democracy lies in the end of things, fatality is also a totalitarian condemnation that cannot be evaded in Puebla.

The disappearance of constitutional governor Miguel Barbosa creates a power vacuum that affects local elites and shows the wear and tear generated by the anger between the center and the periphery, between Puebla and the Federation. Although the provostship of Maximino Ávila Camacho served to condense a rocky hegemony of the groups that supported his rule, the disappearance of the personalist leader generated a negotiation model and volatile loyalties that put Puebla into a facade governance. Rafael Moreno Valle surpassed avilacamachismo and tried to generate a platform from the local level to achieve the power of the republic, the fall of his person demonstrates the scope and cost of the provincial and oligarchic Grupo Puebla.

In Puebla, the struggle between the local PRI and the DF PRI continues to set the pace for power. The avilacamachista muégano is very strong, but always vulnerable due to his lack of project, loyalty and characters. Rural and traditional caciquismo cannot be the eternal mark of Puebla, such has been the message of the center for several years and of the incipient urban progressive middle classes, but the muégano from Puebla does not give in, it does everything necessary to maintain the conservatism and not move anything, not an iota of modernity or change. Although involved in the left-wing Morenista militancy, Barbosa did not always support the policies of the federal government and he confronted the progressive militancy of his own party, even coinciding more with the opposition groups to AMLO and close to Catholic nationalism. Empathy does not lie, nor do portfolios in public administration.

The succession in Puebla was imagined in a prospective similar to the capital of the entity, that is, a morenista government of reduced effectiveness that generated a political realignment in executive control. Although if you look closer, it seemed more like a plan with all the skill in the world. They even came to think: "Barbosa will not appoint a governor, but he will negotiate the best positions for his group", that is, the muégano from Puebla, the local PRI.

The vicissitudes of his disappearance left the Puebla elites of Puebla orphaned. Will they have Plan B, C, D or n? Will the Puebla Group be subject to the influence of the presidency of the republic, the demonized AMLO? Does the PRI of the DF have a free field, that is, Nacho Mier? The powerful Morenovallismo was extinguished in a triste, so it will happen with barbosismo, so it happens with the personalist factions in life when they have not been able to make parties, projects and, above all, political citizenship. Governments pass and Puebla continues to be one of the poorest and most marginalized entities in the country, the indolence of the elites is worse than that of Pedro Páramo.

The labyrinth of the population depends on the will-o'-the-wisp and the poetry of crime.

The defeat of Bartlismo in Puebla

The defeat of Bartlismo in Puebla

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Political transfugismo has undermined the structure of political parties to promote factionalism and cliques as protagonists of the dispute for power. In Puebla, this phenomenon has characterized the electoral alternations and realignments from the Auxiliary Boards to the Executive Power. Factionalism was regularized by the existence of the Official Party (PRI), as soon as its institutionalization and cohesion weakened, personalisms resurfaced and began to recover their influence and hegemony to the detriment not only of the State Party but of government and social institutions.

Avilacamachismo has become one of the preponderant factionalisms in the entity, it is configured as a cacicazgo but it is also a social muégano that involves people, communities, intermediate bodies, educational and religious systems as well as public entities. During PRIATO's trajectory, presidents Adolfo Ruiz Cortínez, Luis Echeverría and Carlos Salinas de Gortari were opposed to the avilacamachista cacique interests by conscience or circumstance. Bartlismo is produced from these conditions, perhaps a clique that could be configured as an opposition bloc to Avilacamachismo given that it achieved government control on two occasions and was outlined as the way through which MORENA could retain ownership of the state executive power. Things have changed and the succession in Puebla is conditioned by the processes that Avilacamachismo is experiencing.

Rafael Moreno Valle tried to establish a Neoavilacamachismo that, linked to the Atlacomulco Group, would rise as a national faction: the Morenovallismo. The elevation was so high that the fall was terrible, but in Puebla the avilacamachista moorings remained solid and Bartlismo has not been able to weaken them, much less break them. Lopezobradorismo, like Cardenismo, has preferred pragmatic coexistence instead of confrontation and this leaves Bartlismo and Morena in the orphanage.

Moreno Valle sought a factionalist emancipation that resulted in conflicts for the Avilacamachismo, the Atlacomulco Group and the PAN against the succession of 2018. Even the Lopezobradorismo considered the alternation in Puebla through the split of the avilacamachistas, the confrontation with the morenovallistas was total and Finally, Morena reached the state government with the connivance of some avilacamachistas and even morenovallistas. Hence, the succession in Puebla follows this canon while Bartlismo and other morenista groups operate in a weakened and ineffective way. Raymundo García García considered Bartlism, in its marine dimension, as a "diminished, parochial, pedestrian, porril, cacique elite, without vision regarding public administration and modernization." There are many similarities with the avilacamachistas, although for some, there are also significant differences. The truth is that in the face of Bart's lack of power, certain followers still preferred integration with the avilacamachismos modernized by morenovallismo. The Bartlismo that was represented with the presidential superdelegation resulted in looting, abuse and inefficiency. The Federal Delegation was the great lost opportunity not only of Bartlism but also of the Fourth Transformation.

Avilacamachismo takes control in Puebla under the consent of Lopezobradorismo, as in the times of General Lázaro Cárdenas. The avilamachista vertex is now represented by the far-right mayor of the capital who, despite the presidential criticism, should not be forgotten that it was the first perspective considered by Morena to confront morenovallismo. The PRIANRD under the route of pragmatic multiparty alliances, as well as a deeply divided Morena party with no preponderant factions in sight, constitutes the ideal path for the Avilacamachista Family -of which the state government is also a part- to remain in the control of the entity.

The dark shadow of Lopezobradorismo, as well as the dark shadow of Cardenismo, makes Puebla one of the most backward states in the country. Social indicators never improve significantly. The cacicazgo is maintained through the provost of other regional, administrative and corporate caciquisms that enjoy full health within the state, the public administration and other social bodies.

What changes in Puebla are the indicators of anomies and pathologies, each six-year period they increase for the benefit of the avilacamachista muégano.

Image 1. Avilacamachismo 

Source.  Pansters, W. G. (1998) Política y poder en Puebla. Formación y ocaso del cacicazgo avilacamachista, 1937-1987. México, D.F. y Puebla: Fondo de Cultura Económica y Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla

End of Avilacamachismo in Puebla?

End of Avilacamachismo in Puebla?

May 22, 2019
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/05/21/%C2%BFFin-del-Avilacamachismo-en-Puebla

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

There is an electoral result in the entity that will be adverse to traditional political institutes. However, the via crucis that the citizens have lived to configure the ruling class seems to throw nothing new. Even when the presumable winning party speaks of alternations and differences with the PRI and PAN regimes, the links and connections are increasingly common and everyday.

The possibility of restructuring the old hegemonic party model has encouraged Morena to admit old enemy cadres who seek survival at all costs and above anyone. The Americans also agreed with the Nazis after the Second World War, fascism was important to rebuild Europe; but, above all, to start another major war with the Soviet Union. North Americans and Nazis would defeat the USSR and implement the supercapitalism that we know as a neoliberal model.

What are the implications of the import of PRI and PAN pictures to Morena? What is the purpose of fighting in public and having "communicating vessels" in the dark? The optimum is the business of a reconstruction that ends up benefiting everyone?

Noam Chomsky considered the Cold War a consensual tragicomedy where they always lost the same: the poorest and the middle class. What operetta set up in Puebla the men of power?

The debate between the main forces that "dispute" the government of the state, is the script that warns the correlation of forces in the future. Inhuman, classist, vulgar, rude critics, the spectacle of the rabble; However, after that, the offer of consultants, image consultants and political operators to "lobby" the capitulation.

At least, two things have become clear after the spectacle of politicking that has spread widely to the detriment of the people of Puebla. On the one hand, civil society and academia have lost their role as a public sphere in the dialogical relationship of local life. The actors who, consciously or unconsciously, mortgaged these public spaces to particular and partisan interests, have committed a crime against citizenship and science. Due to their nature and importance, these spaces are neutral and must keep a strong commitment to freedom and human beings; With the cancellation of this route, the path of barbarism is legitimized. On the other hand, pragmatism and the admission of transformism in Morena, homologate the movement to the trajectories of the Cardenist left and Catholicism: they are churches with millions of believers but no faithful ones. To López Obrador, as to Bergoglio, none of his bishops and cardinals attend him, none want to smell sheep and repudiate the publicized austerity. Treason, deception and corruption are inertias of the Mexican reality.

In a bitter way, the hypothetical michelin oligarchic in Puebla is fulfilled, the avilacamachismo does not die, it only transforms. The selfies, future jobs and the businesses in door, are sample of which the spaces of power return equal to the people who occupy them.

Puebla will not change in the near future, avilacamachista consensus prevents structures from moving and only inertia allows some progress. What is serious is the level that violence, marginalization and emigration are reaching. If this is the Poblana normality that allows the coexistence of the oligarchies; Then, Puebla has already lost this next June.

Puebla: the eternal avilacamachista

Puebla: the eternal avilacamachista

(...) We are talking with our hearts in our hands, Hilario, not with good phrases to deceive people. Neither you nor me claims the country. They complain to us (leaving aside three or four fools and three or four deluded ones) the groups of conveners who go hunting for a hook to hang on; that is, three or four bands of politicians ... Duties to the country !?

Ignacio Aguirre

http://infoquorum.com/notas/2019/04/09/Opini%C3%B3n/Puebla:_el_eterno_avilacamachista?fbclid=IwAR1KC1ZIZuKr0FvsyfafvMWXS7B4VHYYuaZMwlcFpkDnJt53QxVR6oGWsks

Even though the political alternation was installed in the entity since 2010 at the Governmental level, the truth is that a political devolution predominates that shows a presence of the oligarchies of always and the null possibilities for the subaltern and popular groups to find a channel to meet their needs. needs

While it was thought that political devolution would constitute a temporary stage - albeit a long one - of political practice, while the historical ruptures were generated in order to create institutions that would configure the new spectrum of democratic forces; what has happened is the consolidation of an oligarchic pragmatic system that uses the parties as mere franchises.

The turncoat has become in a herds of wolves in sheep's clothing so that the historical cliques that have sustained the political power; but, above all, economic and social, they should be maintained and reproduced. After the defeat of the Hegemonic Party, the rules of succession became a cannibalism that has nothing to do with electoral competition. The end of the PRI allowed the return of the violent factionalism of the early twentieth century in Mexico. Then, as now, aggressive factionalism generates ungovernability and weakening of institutions.

Puebla leads an oligarchic family dispute where society always loses.

At least three avilacamachismo tendencies compete: gringos, morenos and revolutionaries.

The scale of appearance indicates that, probably, Morena reaches the governorship; However, given the transfuguism that has been a constant since December of last year, avilacamachismo and neoavilacamachismo will remain.

The problem of the transfuguism is not that it generates constant and unpredictable electoral realignments but ends up by empowering the factions or cliques and de-institutionalizing the government and parties. There is a common core that few perceive, the node from which the privileges and prebends are distributed to the members of the oligarchy.

The defeat or triumph of some clique does not mean much difference, the nucleus is invisible and maintains control. If all the political groups are linked to the longest-lived probostazgo in local history; Then, there are no real alternatives.

A clear example is the experiences in the City Councils and the Legislative Power; the representatives of Morena have not changed a minimum element of the old regime. What is the use of governing the most important municipalities of the State? When will the infamous legislative decisions of the past be modified in municipal matters, of control and security? At what point will the obscure judiciary, the security apparatuses and the public administration as a whole be restructured?

It seems that Puebla is going through a velvet transition, which is nothing more than a transition that has been negotiated. Morena has gone from being the Juan Preciado of "Llano en llamas" to the party that everyone wants as a civic model of Puebla, unfortunately this has meant the incorporation of all kinds of forces without any regard and, most of the time, over the authentic citizen bases and networks. If they really won the 2018 local elections, why do they need alliances with those who dominate elections through belly politics?

The avilacamachismo gringo only fulfills its historical function: represent the interests of Mister Danger.

In Puebla, its role is known during the revolutionary process, a partner of avilacamachism and a trigger for emigration and poverty that is not part of Civil Society. It is one of the pillars of local authoritarianism and surrounds itself with the conservative groups that refined the harsh lineage that brought the founding leader. It made room for morenovallismo and tried to promote it as one of the national alternatives. It completed the political alternation in the entity but it used the transfuguismo to the maximum. It is the space from which mainly the paintings that Morena is integrating come out.

The avilacamachismo revolutionary maintains the cacique corporate structure of the old official party; however, he is aware that absolute victories will not come back. It also builds bridges with Morena and many of its leaders zigzag with electoral structures sold to the highest bidder. Now that the polarization of the last electoral contest seems to have ended, it initiates a transfer of cliques similar to a derby that disappoints. The party that wins the elections has the right to form a plural government with elements of diverse political affiliation; However, an electoral contest supposes a dialectic of governance models and public policies. Elections where the options imply ratification are a fraud, a simulation of those that were abundant in Mexico and Puebla. What does Morena offer now for Puebla? What is your difference with the Neoavilacamachismo that was tried to forge from the PAN?

Political parties must seek their ideological and militant definition. If the turncoat party continues unchecked, the institutes end up approved and subtract greater sovereignty to the town and its citizens. There is still time for the political alternation in Puebla to take place and, finally, to skip the authoritarian and oligarchic stage that distinguishes it.

Factionalism and the political crisis in Puebla

Factionalism and the political crisis in Puebla
March 29, 2019

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/03/29/El-faccionalismo-y-la-crisis-pol%C3%ADtica-en-Puebla


Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The entity can not leave an area of ​​uncertainty that throws negative frames and deeply hurt the future. It's been several months, maybe it's been years, where the state government walks by inertia and nobody seems to attend to the urgent problems. There is a dark caciquism that prevents the resonance of democracy and freedom throughout the region. Inclusive, Puebla begins to take levels of violence that indicate a decomposition similar to the zones controlled by the organized delinquency.

Why the paralysis and loss of political life in the state? One of the answers could be found in the political factionalism that has characterized the entity throughout the twentieth century and that has not allowed the institutionalization of a true party system.

Puebla went from a collaborative factionalism that concentrated on the PRI to a competitive factionalism represented by pragmatic alliance with the PRI, against the PRI and despite the PRI. However, the PRI did not institutionalize a true militancy that projected an authentic governmental platform, it was the crucible of several cliques, caciques and wealthy families that kidnapped the public administration. Now, these cliques were imported by other political parties and have a complicated dispute over power. Factionalism is distinguished by dirty war, transfiguism, disloyalty, violence and opportunism.

Political devolution was not a historical break. The PAN governments in Puebla were the most PRI in recent times. The competition generated in this way, involuted the political practices, behaviors and proposals. You do not live a low quality of democracy, you live a policy of abuse and imposition of the strongest.

Although the political fronts maintain that they constitute alternative options to each other, the certain thing is that they have more similarities than they think, hopefully that it facilitated the government; however, it only serves to raise the level of conflict and violence. Everyone wants power for power.

No clique can deny their belonging to the avilacamachismo. In the origin, or during the political development, said lineage marks to the right, the center and the left. The PAN adds to its participation the closeness with Yankee imperialism. The PRI aims to restore the strength of the regional chiefdoms and MORENA feeds on defectors while the love of the presidential figure persists; He has also paid his fee for admitting all kinds of policies.

The avilacamachismo constitutes a reactionary modernity from which Puebla can not escape. It is more than indispensable a true alternation that has the objective of modifying the structural conditions of authoritarianism in the entity. However, the option is contradictory and the hindrances of the poblano factionalism are not willing to allow liberation and progress.

Each society has the government it deserves, Puebla does not know what government has been granted for several months. Hopefully, political parties and candidates will be able to change the political life of the entity; likewise, that society is demanding of the political class and takes responsibility for its destiny.

Puebla, the order although it comes from the center

Puebla, the order although it comes from the center
January 9, 2019

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/01/09/Puebla-el-orden-aunque-venga-del-centro?fbclid=IwAR2i6d5ct10xYsLw_jW0gly2jTKJ6B5tpKkkm6WtgPct_GLM4CtfEx4k_RA

One of the main scholars of the elections in Puebla, Dr. Víctor Reynoso (1997), wrote some years ago about the institutional informality that was impelled in the entity in order to achieve control, stability and order for the historical social conflict between conservatives , liberals and progressives. The title that heads this column refers to this academic work that took the meaning of a popular expression regarding the local inability to generate stable governments. Several years later it seems that Puebla is in the same circumstances and with the same people. Order was lost and there are many shared responsibilities.

Puebla is - essentially - conservative and any modernization awakens the monsters of the identity quarrels. Progress and modernity are desirable phenomena; but, not at any cost and, either, in any way. From there, we must see the impulse that led to morenovallismo to power, its actions, conflicts and tragedies. The morenovallismo did not want to be a neoavilacamachismo, it lacked, or it left him, time, means, public work, consensus, legitimacy, violence. You will never know.

Morenovallismo does not constitute the nucleus of the black box of the political system of Puebla. However, the disappearance of the character that represented it is not similar to the figure of Maximino Ávila Camacho, this yes, structuring a series of elements and balances that achieved cohesion and persistence to conserve power in Puebla, as well as reach the national level . Now, avilacamachismo is restructuring itself to survive in the context of the Fourth Transformation.

Morenovallismo, in fact, was imposed on most of the actors and even sought to subdue the avilacamachismo and change the weights. This is the reason why, in their absence, the factions seek to survive and adapt to the circumstances of the regime. However, there is something in both phenomena that coincide with territorial power: its capacity to generate conflicts. In the immediate history of Puebla that was the characteristic of the political group that built the "Pact of Honor and Justice" in the first half of the Mexican XX century. Currently, it seems that this anarchic era emerges with all its strength. The same academic asked Morenovallismo, recently, in reference to the disputed local elections of 2018: "Does that democracy want?"

The local history shows that Puebla maintains a factionalism that produces radical struggles. The avilacamachismo was controlled, and the state also, with three governors emanating from the presidential orbit in the era of the Hegemonic Party outside the entity. Should something similar happen in the contemporary era to find order and peace?

The avilacamachismo can agree with the federal government. The disappearance of the morenovallismo, from this perspective, does not move away the possibility of other protagonisms and intermediations. Puebla requires a "Table for Peace" before elections. It is urgent because Tyrians and Trojans, Moors and Christians, do not cease in their attempts to rival the extreme, forgetting that the fracture of past elections can lead to something else. In such a context, we all lose. No growth, no development, no social justice. Coexistence or non-existence. The historical actors and with true moral height could hasten a dialogue of this type. Local political succession implies a mediation between regional and national power. Puebla has really serious problems in terms of poverty, security, emigration, economic growth, health and, above all, planning.

Puebla: Tear my life!

Puebla: Tear my life!

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/06/27/Puebla-%C2%A1Arr%C3%A1ncame-la-vida

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Various signs mark the Puebla election in 2018. First, the accounts do not fit; we find a profound distortion between the surveys for the presidency of the republic and those that refer to the governorship in Puebla. The preferences for AMLO in our locality coincide with the broad advantage of MORENA with respect to its closest competitors; however, if the preferences for Luis Miguel Barbosa are observed, there is the appearance of a disadvantage compared to the wife of Rafael Moreno Valle, official candidate of a diverse coalition.

In the second place, it is difficult to understand the perverse game that the morenovallismo disposed in its factions within the state. In Puebla and its municipalities there is extreme competition in the same Morenovallista cliques that are forced to get as many votes as possible for Martha Ericka Alonso; but also, forced to tear themselves apart -to get the municipal presidency. Similar experiences are experienced by some candidates for local and federal deputies.

Puebla is a living example of the place that the failure of politics can reach. The transfuguism that began in the era of Manuel Bartlett Díaz and generated the emigration of many PRI cadres to other political institutes, has degenerated into a partidocracy and de-institutionalization of participation and public administration. Pragmatic multi-party alliances generated an apocalyptic principality. These partisan migrations were interpreted, by some optimists, as the process towards a two-party system; However, pessimism pointed out that this political transvestism indicated the path towards the proliferation of leaderships as they lived in the country during the first years of the regime of the Mexican Revolution.

The Official Party had to "gather" approximately three thousand, among the more than ten thousand, political fractions that were fighting to build a new regime. Over time, the State Party inaugurated a political pact for the circulation of elites. At the end of the hegemonic period of the Revolutionary Family, Mexico found itself without parties, neither political class, nor State. However, the transition to democracy was a fine step for PRIs of all political parties to govern.

The problem is not the PRI as a political institute, the disease is a peculiar style of political leadership in the Mexican political culture: the caciquismo. The Cacique is the true dinosaur of the political transition in Mexico. It can be considered a generous style of patrimonialism; However, it constitutes a hindrance that does not allow the construction of political institutions and, much less, the arrival of liberal democracy.

Puebla allowed the architecture of one of the longest-lived and shameful chiefdoms in the history of Mexico: the avilacamachismo. The conservative nature of the entity did not allow the revolutionary, social and liberal spirit to settle in their territories. The "May 5" is only a mythologema without any consequence, it is more significant the contribution to found "El Yunque", point of reference of the Ibero-American extreme right. Conservatism and caciquism are the lanes through which local history has been conducted and manifested.

A crime poet has always pointed out to me that writers are more authentic and successful in explaining Puebla politics than many social scientists. He is absolutely right. It is enough a good novel -of the several that exist- as an aleph, to see the past, the present and the future of our society. The Pact of Honor and Justice has not moved a bit since the time of Maximinus, the subscribers remain encumbrados and cohesive. There are the same characters, playing the role that corresponds to them: Gunmen disguised as Businessmen and Bankers, Whiskers who play politicians, Foreigners Mafiosi, Bishops who only follow the Gospel of Power, a people who can not find a way to defend themselves and bastardy as a right of blood.

Puebla has always lived in the shadow of Avilacamachismo, it seems unlikely that this will change. The cacique structure survived thanks to the alternation, as understood by those who read the novels; the political scientists were confused and their error deepened the backwardness and injustice in Puebla. The population of Puebla is in the past, the social and economic indicators, the buoyant corruption, the insecurity and the fear let it see. Nor Maximino achieved a context so favorable to Satrapy.

The avilacamachismo prevented that the great social transformations of the Mexican revolution arrived in Puebla, the neoavilacamachismo is doing everything possible to isolate the entity. I hope that the next president of the republic acts as Adolfo Ruiz Cortines and imposes order; even if it comes from the center. It will be necessary to read novels to sharpen the political analysis and stop believing the fantasies of the extreme right: Martha Ericka is not Catalina, much less Carmen Serdán, is the Diaz Ordaz of Maximino Ávila Camacho, an ugly caricature of an oligarchy that will transform it into a monster, as happened with the native of Chalchicomula.

Yunque (Anvil): the priista and nazi Smurf

Yunque (Anvil): the priista and nazi Smurf
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2018/01/26/yunque-el-pitufo-priista-y-nazi/

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

A few days ago, Mario Alberto Mejía exposed in his columns the particularity of the political analysis that distinguishes the members of the Anvil. While it is true that certain prospects of the subjects in question cause hilarity, it is also true that these arguments must be taken seriously and intelligently despite the alleged errors they contain.
It is strange that reptilian, illuminati, gay or zombie conspiracies are taken seriously; but do not observe - in truth - the power exerted by a terrorist organization - similar in capacity to the Islamic State - as is the Yunque (Anvil) whose power extends in Latin America and other latitudes.
The Anvil (El Yunque) is in the antechamber of power in Mexico, it has always been. Since the end of the Second World War, the United States and the Holy See established a fascist consensus that aimed to destroy the Soviet Union. Even though America came to possess the most powerful weapons and army in the world, the Vatican State developed the millimeter structure to inhibit any progressive, social, liberal or democratic thinking that would put American hegemony at risk. The prostitute of Babylon received her service well. The governments where catholicity prevailed were infiltrated and Mexico is a singular case. Concordats and patronages generalize poverty to maintain the pageantry of the ecclesiastical hierarchy and their children. Thus Ibero-America was the safeguard of thousands of Nazis. In Mexico and, particularly in Puebla, Nazism runs without reserve.
The old revolutionary guard quietly observed the administration of Manuel Ávila Camacho, with regret he understood that the Army, the intelligence apparatuses and the public administration should be shared with the elites of uncompromising integral Catholicism, until they were absorbed by the papists. The moment of splendor is constituted by the government of Gustavo Díaz Ordaz -avilacamachista as well-, where white guards, death squads and fascist radicals flourish. Because of their anti-communism, they assassinate with impunity peasants, students, workers, women and even religious . The dirty war and the infiltration of the extreme right into the intelligence of the Mexican State is a fundamental chapter that is needed to explain the authoritarianism in our political system.
The integration of the Anvil (Yunque) and the Morenovallismo constitutes a legitimation to the previous state of things. In Puebla there was neither Reformation, nor Revolution, nor Cardenismo, nor Alternation. The old clerical Porfirian regime remains buoyant and the Lombardo Toledano or Henriquez Ureña, must flee hidden under penalty that the members of Yunque, like Testimony and Hope (or another of the thousands of organizations of the Anvil) try to kill. Avilacamachismo Poblano only reedited the old oligarchic structures that can not live without Hernán Cortés. Puebla indebted, prey of the huachicoleros, full of femicides, kidnapped by insecurity, poor and informal, is a product of the union between Moreno Valle and Yunque.
There is nothing to laugh at the political analysts of the Anvil, its candidates or members. The political class, in general, does not have the courage to confront them. The geopolitical condition is imposed: while North America fears socialism, the Catholic extreme right will have legitimacy to handle the States. Hence the capacity for violence, disorder, instability and crime that generates clerofascism to obtain inclusion in governments. What is important to say to the United States, as well as to Mexican society, is that, as long as the extreme right remains in power, social pathologies will continue and the cost increases each period. Morelos, Guanajuato, Puebla, Tamaulipas and Veracruz constitute a small sample.
If Moreno Valle is so powerful, what is the need for El Yunque? if the morenovallismo has to contribute to the vote of the PRIist-panista Meade Kuribreña, is also the Yunque a guest to fulfill the mission or the official candidate of the PRIANRD is Ricardo Anaya? Even Morena has had to lobby the extreme right through the black Jesuitism of social Catholicism. There are no reasons to laugh. Mexico is a tragedy, a sick despair of Hispanic catholicity.