Mexican Narco-State

Mexican Narco-State

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Although it has been pointed out that imperialist semiotics establishes inescapable marks on its enemies and spaces of conquest, this argument is inaccurate when it comes to arguments such as those pertaining to the Sinaloa Cartel, which claims to have controlled the Mexican state for at least fifty years. The magnitude of this accusation has not been grasped by the Mexican government or the idea of ​​building justice in our country.

Amid the disturbing revelations stemming from drug trafficking captured in the United States about the corruption rooted in the Mexican state, the country faces a crucial moment that demands a firm and coherent response. These statements, which suggest drug trafficking has controlled the power structure for decades, cannot be ignored. However, the solution lies not in foreign intervention, but in strengthening its own institutions and reaffirming national sovereignty. Mexico must take the initiative, demonstrating its capacity to face these challenges autonomously and effectively.

Collaboration with the United States is essential, but it must be based on mutual respect and strategic cooperation, not subordination. Instead of an invasion of US justice, a common front must be established against organized crime, sharing intelligence, technology, and best practices. This proactive approach will allow the Mexican government to wage a head-on fight against drug trafficking and corruption without relinquishing control over its own destiny. The country's governability is at a crossroads, and the only dignified way out is through a profound reengineering of the state. Superficial reforms are insufficient; a break with past practices is required to build a new public administration. The fight against drug trafficking can be the convening of a National Agreement for stability, reconciliation, and economic growth in the country.

Claudia Sheinbaum's administration has the monumental task of leading this transformation. It must implement public policies that not only combat crime but also discourage the economic gravitation toward the United States that fuels immediate crime. By offering collective incentives and opportunities through solid social and economic programs, the Mexican state can create a more resilient social fabric that is less vulnerable to the lures of crime. The challenge is enormous, but the opportunity to consolidate a more just and sovereign Mexico is even greater. This is not about giving in, but about demonstrating the nation's strength and capacity to overcome its own crises.

The way the United States is building evidence to pursue justice based on accusations and testimonies is similar to the progressive phenomena that are affecting the structure of kyriarchy in Mexico.

After the cartels themselves declared they were corrupting the political power structure in Mexico, there isn't much left to say. The enormous task is to rebuild the country and public administration. The idea of ​​a narco-state requires a rethinking of

government reengineering. Reforms are meaningless; an institutional breakdown is essential to achieve the desired transformation.

Gray or Failed State: Mexico and the United States Facing Drug Trafficking

 Gray or Failed State: Mexico and the United States Facing Drug Trafficking

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The narrative of the fight against drug trafficking has been a recurring theme in the relationship between Mexico and the United States. However, reality suggests that both countries have failed to address the problem effectively. US intervention in Mexico has focused on regulating the drug phenomenon, but not on limiting it or reducing the flow of psychotropic drugs into the country. Meanwhile, Mexican cartels have continued to operate with impunity, and violence in the country has reached unprecedented levels. The recent departure of drug trafficking leaders to the United States to negotiate with the White House is an indication that the balance of power between the cartels has spiraled out of control.

Some analysts suggest that the US government's intention is to weaken the cartels and impose its hegemony in the region. However, this hypothesis is difficult to understand in a context where violence in Mexico continues to increase. The flight of major drug trafficking groups to the United States is not unprecedented, and one might wonder whether the use of intelligence by the Americans will protect them from possible acts of defense or violence on U.S. soil. Rafael Loret de Mola's novels had already presented scenarios in which the Americans intervened in Mexico to capture the political class linked to crime, but the reality is more complex. What would happen if the war between the cartels also spread to the United States? This has happened with mafias in other countries and even with fights between fundamentalist or terrorist groups.

The relationship between Mexico and the United States has become a vicious cycle, in which drug trafficking and violence feed off each other. Canceling visas and confiscating capital and materials have not been effective in other Latin American countries, and they likely won't be in Mexico. The question is, what can be done to break this cycle of violence and corruption? The response of some intellectuals, such as Sabina Berman and Juan Carlos Monedero, has been to question whether US intervention has been effective in other countries. However, the experience of Panama, Colombia, Costa Rica, and Honduras after the US intervention suggests that these intrusions have been positive.

In this context, it is important to analyze the relationship between Mexico and the United States from a critical perspective. The official narrative regarding the fight against drug trafficking obscures the true intentions of both countries. The United States seeks to maintain its hegemony in the region, while Mexico is incapable of addressing the structural problems underlying drug trafficking. Cooperation between the two countries is an illusion, and the reality is that both are trapped in a labyrinth of violence and corruption. The reality is that both Mexico and the United States are failed states and gray areas in their own right, incapable of addressing the structural problems underlying drug trafficking. However, the nearly fifty million Mexicans living illegally in the United States should be asked whether they would like Mexico to be a protectorate or the 52nd state of the American Union. Berman and Monedero skew their interpretation and overlook this dynamic between Mexico and North America, which, fortunately, beyond politicians, intellectuals, and international organizations, presents an independent path.

US Assistance to Combat Drugs in Mexico

 US Assistance to Combat Drugs in Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The drug phenomenon is reflected in other circumstances of the North American and Asian economic geopolitics that Mexico is experiencing. As with other products, Mexico serves as a springboard for entry into the North American market. The gravitational pull that the United States exerts on our country is inevitable, causing various elements to atomize and centrifuge toward the United States. Mexico lacks the consumer capacity developed in the North American economy, and therefore, most formal and informal trade lies hidden in Mexico, waiting to enter the United States. Producers and suppliers establish themselves in Mexico with empowerment and build opportunities to leapfrog over American consumerism.

As long as the demand and prices of the most diverse types of contraband are not regulated in the United States, informality will continue to become a key attraction that makes governability in Mexico unsustainable. Donald Trump's administration must contribute to the economic development of the Fourth Transformation to reduce this pull. Demanding that the Mexican government stop all forms of illegal trafficking of products that affect the economy of the Yankee Empire implies the bizarre assumption that a hummingbird can put out a forest fire. Donald Trump has been infected by the magical realism that distinguishes Mexican surrealism.

Mexico does not have the economic, military, or police structure to stop the evils affecting the United States. This is a task for North America, and Claudia Sheinbaum's administration, as well as the actors in the process, would have to explain this to the American consumer. The Mexican government and the cartels themselves have abandoned the task of lobbying the US Congress to insist on legalization and let the laws of the market do their will.

Like other countries tasked with becoming beachheads for Yankee imperialism and its geopolitics, Mexico must request and encourage the influx of economic resources from the US budget, as well as from the Pentagon, to strengthen the institutions responsible for the actions demanded by President Donald Trump. The White House administration must convince itself of Mexico's impossibility as a fortress shield in the immediate future; the corruption so often accused of the country poses a risk of stirring up the United States.

Mexico can fulfill the tasks entrusted to it by Donald Trump if, in the short term, the country changes to resemble South Korea, the Philippines, Spain, Kuwait, or South Africa; in short, there are broad examples. The distance separating the Mexican Republic from the position held by its US allies creates a negative neighborhood that harms US interests. Only aid similar to that provided by the United States to General Ávila Camacho during World War II will bring about the successful alliance that North America seeks. Otherwise, as has just happened in the US stock market, failure entails considerable costs. Even this aid can be audited, like the anti-communist support received during the Cold War, as well as other assistance certified by various international organizations.

The Geopolitical Dilemma of Mexican Drug Trafficking

 The Geopolitical Dilemma of Mexican Drug Trafficking

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

George Friedman seems increasingly accurate in his analysis of the necessary confrontation between Mexico and the United States over drug trafficking. The war predicted by Friedman in 2080 will not be waged by Mexico and the United States as state entities; the fight will be between guerrilla groups representing economic interests and national identities. The overwhelming discovery of hundreds of clandestine graves and extermination camps in our country, as well as the level of violence reached by the war on drugs, force us to envision scenarios of coexistence and cohabitation between drug trafficking fiefdoms and the United States, averting a prolonged guerrilla war disguised as a fight against terrorism.

Until now, Mexican drug trafficking groups have been supplied with weapons by American companies; But, after the White House has designated the cartels as terrorists, it's worth asking how these factions will obtain the necessary arsenal to confront the United States. Mexico's lack of control could lead the nine North American nations to develop an internal war within the United States.

The new US ambassador is the polar opposite of Ken Salazar, who was characterized by his proximity and willingness to negotiate with AMLO. However, between the two, bad cop and good cop, the drug trafficking situation in Mexico changes little, almost nothing. The United States must finance and participate in the war against drug trafficking being waged in Mexico, in addition to promoting domestic health campaigns to prevent addiction. Beyond good and bad cops, Mexico needs emissaries from the United States who contribute financially and materially to addressing this fundamental issue in the social fabric of both countries.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the war on alcohol was not won by the US government. On the contrary, given the high rate of violence, the US government finally had to accept the repeal of Prohibition and the significant contribution of alcohol to the economy, despite considering its harmful externalities. The same thing is happening with drugs. The level of violence that cannot be controlled in Mexico will soon reach the United States. In other words, beyond the cartels seeking the support of Mexicans in North America to launch a war, the truth is that the characteristics of a failed state that Mexico has experienced for several six-year terms will soon be common in the United States.

George Friedman's scenario is not a war like those driven by geopolitical or ideological interests. The United States will soon return to the era of Al Capone, and its political institutions will be corrupted; this will be the moment for the intervention of its powerful foreign enemies. This circumstance could lead to the disintegration of the American Union.

Strengthening the Mexican state protects North America, and the White House must promote Mexican governance through understanding with Sheinbaum and the Fourth Transformation.

Mexican Cartels: Coarsairs Meaning

Mexican Cartels: Coarsairs Meaning 

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

According to George Friedman, there is a connection between businessmen, government and drug cartels that supposed a prospective attack on the United States in 2080. This logic, however, corresponds to the history of England and the Anglo-Saxon culture that encouraged piracy while protecting the protagonists of the robbery and trafficking. The British East India Company was a project that structured actors of diverse nature to promote Anglo-Saxon hegemony in the West.

This model has not been able to be replicated in Latin America, although the conditions are in a similar condition and, despite the fact that these alliances are shown as evident and irrefutable, Mexico does not have anything bordering on the British Company; but, it is highly probable that, according to historical tradition, the United States will develop similar schemes. Blackwater is the modern version of the British East India Company. Where does this leave Mexican drug trafficking?

The comprehensive sociological narrative of drug trafficking has lost all meaning. Factionalism destroys the perspective that the cartels do not exist, that they are run by the Mexican government or that they even represent mercenaries from other countries. The low-intensity war that Mexico has experienced for almost twenty years, the Zedillo-Calderonista war on drugs, does not allow us to see the sides or who the enemies of Mexican society are.

George Friedman's analysis seems ideally manufactured for the war that the Yankee Empire and its Pentagonism need. Donald Trump, Marco Rubio and Elon Musk can be confident that their ultra-power will easily prevail in Mexico; however, it is important to point out that the scarecrow of the Mexican Drug Conspiracy to destroy the United States never existed. Like all conspiracies, it is a myth implanted in the White House by the Deep State so feared by Mister Carrot; but always allied to Mister Danger. The arrival of Donald Trump is one of the most important risks for Mexican identity in contemporary times; hopefully this problem will lead to national unity and, if confrontation is inevitable, the best negotiation and post-war strategy with North America will be established.

Mexican identity can be something more than inertia, a stronger impulse than the springboard used by Hispanic identity. The intellectual evolution developed by Jorge Castañeda Gutman implies a task for future generations; Mexico will never exist while it is in the shadow of Hispanic identity, on the other hand, Mexico can overcome the proteusia and entelechy of egepticism if it takes seriously the task of assimilation that the millions of Mexican emigrants in North America have developed. The border, the zone of civilizational breakdown that our country has, daily points out the cultural orphanage of Mexico, Mexico is more North America than Latin America. With Donald Trump comes another opportunity to abandon schizophrenia.

The unrest, confusion and desolation that the arrival of Trumpism implies for Mexico can also be an incentive to understand a reality that is evaded by the Hispanic cultural hegemony. Mexico, in a strict, material and economic sense, is part of the United States; but, Mexican society does not benefit from the results and actions that this proximity and leverage provokes. The departure from the Habsburg Model, from the old feudal regime, can be caused by the impending conflict with the United States. The low-intensity war is becoming an extreme civil war that no one understands or can stop; the American Corsairs did their job well and now the United States will propose the solution. This is what happened in the Mexican Revolution, the Cristiada, the Second World War and the Cold War. In this course of events only one thing is clear: the national government counts less and less and the dominant classes accelerate their accommodative movements; Mexican society has the final say - as in 1994 - to choose the task of North American assimilation or the story of the patrimonialist, corporatist, caciquil dinosaur.

Tricky Old Trumpy Trump

Tricky Old Trumpy Trump 

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

 Although many analysts and scholars revel in the terror caused by the future president of the United States, there are also those who assume that the threats of the New York businessman are simply threats and blackmail to induce the collaboration of the Mexican government.

In any case, the relationship with the northern neighbor represents an enormous commitment for the Mexican government, which also faces constant evaluation by its detractors.

In retrospect, and observing Donald Trump's experience at the head of the White House between 2017 and 2021, it is evident that he did not even manage to carry out half of the threats he made against Mexicans in a situation of illegal immigration; mainly in relation to the border wall and mass deportations.

On the other hand, although drug trafficking is one of the most serious problems in Mexico, its magnitude is different in the United States.

For the United States, this only represents a public health problem that –in reality- is of little interest to them, since there are no policies that try to effectively regulate the issue of addictions; it can even be said that drug addiction is part of the natural selection that savage American liberalism implies.

EFE Photo

Under these conditions and considering the health results of the first Trumpist government, it is expected that there will be little progress.

In reality, Donald Trump intends for the Mexican government to be in charge of the fight against the cartels, without that meaning the reduction of commitments to the Pentagon, which are fundamental for the economy of the empire.

Just as occurred in the issue of border surveillance and the protection of migrants, the cost of the fight against drug trafficking will be borne by the Mexican economy and also the deaths that result.

President Sheinbaum has pointed out the injustice of this forced collaboration, while her cabinet is incredulous in the face of the threats; However, Mexico is obliged to comply with the United States more than Donald Trump himself.

The situation perhaps represents an optimal collaborative understanding where the economy of our country is overcome thanks to the balances of the empire, the underemployment that the US government creates in the Mexican government allows membership in the USMCA and the maintenance of remittances; Democrats or Republicans do not change outsourcing to Mexico.

Narco Land

Narco Land

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

A large part of Mexican society seems to disagree with the centrality that emigration and drug trafficking enjoy in the economy and structure of the social order; However, it seems inevitable to begin to recognize this role that they also share with other crimes in the daily environment of our republic.

It is not the first time that the United States intends to expose officials and members of the political class through a drug scandal. The phrase “narco Mexico” is a tautology, and the link between professional politicians or high officials and drug trafficking seems so common that it no longer surprises anyone.

But, if Mexico is a neighbor of the United States, why does the most important democracy - and empire - in the world do little to inhibit the commission of these crimes, specifically drug trafficking? The point is that Mexico and the United States have a complicit and ambiguous relationship regarding both the consumption and transfer of drugs and that long-standing relationship is an open secret. However, by having more resources, the United States has greater responsibility in the task of correcting things. Mexico is not the only supplier of drugs to North America, but it does constitute the main space of territorial approach for different groups, including international ones, dedicated to the transfer of psychotropics, to take on board American consumers. Health, as it applies to addictions, is not important in public policies in the United States; That is to say, although the number of deaths from fentanyl in young North Americans is stated bizarrely, their own country does not have prevention programs, projects or models, drug consumption in North America is increasing disproportionately and only the American government could change it.

Given its military capacity, the United States could take down drug trafficking groups in a jiffy; not only legalize its use so that drug addiction becomes formal and responsible consumption takes place in a controlled and peaceful environment. That is to say, while drugs are legalized in North America, Mexico is experiencing a low-intensity war that every day weakens the formal government and empowers too many cartels and associations. If the White House put the same effort into preventing addictions in American youth, in the same way that it serves the pentagonism; Mexico and North America could reach an optimum on this issue.

Maintaining the route that has been followed until now implies that soon the scenario set by George Friedman for 2080 will be brought forward. In the perspective of this geopolitician, the south of the United States becomes a settlement of criminal groups who, later, will carry out a true invasion and destruction of the Yankee empire. Now, to try to avoid this catastrophic prediction, North America is increasingly increasing actions and evidence that fuel a total war against Mexico, while preventing it from maintaining alliances with other countries dangerous to North American hegemony.

Friedman points out that Mexamerica constitutes the most important fracture zone for North America, greater than the importance of the regions of Russia and China. The United States thinks that Eurasia represents the greatest risk to its future; but not. The real risk is

Mexican knot. Affecting Mexico can cause the destruction of the United States in any sense.

The cartels have indeed moved to the southern border of the United States and the White House government knows who they are. Why don't they capture them? What does it mean to make an agreement with them to showcase the Mexican political class? It is increasingly shown that the State in Mexico lacks the resources to confront drug trafficking and impose order in the various regions of the country. Under these conditions, what is the point of making a public complaint and further weakening the government of our country?

Promoting instability in Mexico only leads to the government being increasingly ineffective in the fight against drugs and narcotics consumption increasing in the United States. In a good neighborly relationship, Mexico would expect greater collaboration and responsibility from the North American government in a situation that significantly harms everyone.

The war on drugs in Mexico depends on help from North America. Media exposures do not fix anything and constitute the classic ping pong game to influence public opinion, meanwhile, American and Mexican youth die in their hundreds due to the drug phenomenon.

The fight against trafficking cartels must be more than strategic and must begin from the American south, where the main centers of drug trafficking operations and finances are developed. The invasion of Mexico by the United States continues to be a valid option and, even, quite necessary. But, as George Friedman points out in his analysis: what if the United States loses the war with Mexico?

2024 and Narcopolitics

 2024 and Narcopolitics

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Moises Naim and Carlos Fazio agree that global society is in the middle of a war between factual powers of various kinds. The Cornwall Consensus and the Davos 2030 Agenda constitute timid approaches to restructuring the political sphere in the face of the subjugation of the market that puts the human race on the brink of extinction. Multiple formats of formal and informal economy are dominating all aspects of life; But, nevertheless, the defense of politics and the institutionalization of the State are essential for humanity to survive.

Drug trafficking is one of the main global economic activities. In Mexico it is even considered one of the largest employers, in addition to preventing the marginalization of its members in all aspects. The empowerment of drug trafficking in our country seems to have no limits.

It is undeniable that Mexico is a Narco-Society, but it is at the service of the Narco-Empire called the United States. Mexico has been configured as the Sicily of the United States since World War II because the pentagonist military industrial complex is subsidized by Latin American drug trafficking. The main promoter of the drug economy is the United States.

Ronald Reagan and Oliver North are reproduced in each Mexican six-year term, at each of its levels of government. However, each nation's ability to better address the problem depends on internal strength.

The United States does little, almost nothing, to prevent the transfer of drugs and their consumption in its society. The Yankee empire is capable of bombing a country where some American soldiers were victims of terrorism, but it does nothing against those who poison its youth - by the millions - from within and even from its neighbors.

Mexican drug trafficking cells have migrated to the southern United States and coexist with North American authorities and taxpayers. The White House neither sees them, nor hears them, nor does anything to them; as well as the bizarre ones of Donald Trump, Abbot or Di Santis.

American political processes are marked by drugs more than any other country. What does the United States do when its government agencies handle the movement of drugs in various parts of the world? Nothing, who certifies the United States in its fight against addictions or drug control? Nobody. Thousands of books, reports and scientific reports confirm the evidence of the political links with organized crime of the North American government.

Mexico is experiencing a low-intensity war by the State against the Drug Cartels financed by North America and another one superimposed on the competition for the market by the same protagonists of drug trafficking. How long will the US government and its political class be serious about drugs?

The narco-empire

 The narco-empire

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

North America handles the most extreme pragmatism in its international relations and, in the case of Mexico, the dose applied is always higher. The main drug trafficker on the American continent is the United States, this is a truism that only intellectuals and journalists under the control of the CIA do not dare to recognize with the greatest amount of evidence, studies and consequences.

Drug trafficking and human trafficking constitute the informal economy of the main totalitarian democracy: the United States.

From the cultural, academic and journalistic sphere supported by pentagonism, Mexico is accused of receiving all the money in the world derived from drug businesses. The narrative of George Friedman, Dolia Estévez, Andrés Oppenheimer, Leonardo Curzio and the bipolar red circle is wrong, it turns out to be completely false when trying to answer when confronted with a single question: where is the money?

The myth of Mexican drug trafficking is as false as the myth of the Jewish Masonic Communist conspiracy. Both have served to enrich the American power elite to the maximum.

Money cannot be hidden, it is like love; Then, Mexico would live like Holland or, at least, like any autarkic middle power if a little of those stratospheric economic resources remained in our country. This is not the case, poverty and ungovernability continue to be the characteristic note of the majority of Mexican communities, poverty triggers a war that suddenly takes on a hint of being civil.

Drug addiction is not a priority concern of American public policies, nor is the possession and trade of weapons. The savage North American liberalism is nourished by drugs and weapons, because they constitute the basis of the power of the plutocracy that governs said nation.

It is more likely that the Yankee oligarchy will impose a drug trafficker as president of the semi-sovereign American people than that they will contribute to the healthy development of his youth.

Mexico fights a hybrid war against the US drug empire. Drug traffickers are worth more to the United States than Augusto Pinochet himself.

The Red Circle of Ignorance will continue its work of denying the sacrifice of anonymous heroes in the fight against the drug empire. The hybrid war and humanitarian crisis caused by fentanyl will continue because the United States is not interested in the issue of its youth.

Drug trafficking and conflicts with the United States

Drug trafficking and conflicts with the United States

October 17, 2020

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/10/17/El-narcotr%C3%A1fico-y-los-conflictos-con-Estados-Unidos

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

Hardly surprised by the refusal of the Free Mexico Party of Margarita Zavala and Felipe Calderón Hinojosa as well as the passing to three political cartoon institutes, the news of the arrest made to General Salvador Cienfuegos, former Secretary of National Defense in the six-year term of Enrique Peña Nieto, constitutes another flash of amazement. It confirms a change of interests in the perspective of US collaboration with the technocratic groups of the Mexican political system in exchange for the nationalists. It even seems that history repeats itself. During the six-year term of Miguel de la Madrid Hurtado, a similar situation sank the decorum of the old revolutionary guard.

In both situations, the common denominator lies in the betrayal of the US security agencies to their Mexican allies. Military, police, politicians and drug traffickers; They work for US intelligence, then get retired by US intelligence to create new enemies and continue to run the game. The only ruler who has understood the game is former President Vicente Fox, it is better to legalize drugs and that the Americans come to leave remittances. No bullet, no drop of blood, has been worthwhile in the fight against drug trafficking. The United States is the Great Capo and should not be taken seriously.

The well-known phrase that the United States has interests, not friends; it is exemplified in the experience of Felipe Calderón Hinojosa. The refusal of his party by the INE and later by the Electoral Tribunal of the Federal Judicial Power, show the orphanhood in which the civilist side of the Catholic humanists is found. Beyond the confrontations with AMLO and internally in the PAN, Felipe Calderón has long lost the support of the United States and, like other characters in Latin American history, is left with the route of self-exile in the closet of Mexican presidentialism or starting a route anti-American where he exposes the vileness of Yankee pragmatism on the issue of drugs.

The Americans used Felipe Calderón, like the Panamanian Manuel Noriega, and then they defenestrated him in the garbage can. As president, Calderón brought the militarization of public security to the zenith as requested by the United States, Mexico was structured as a state of exception and, the mark of the six-year term, will be a failed, fratricidal and bloody war. Likewise, the six-year period of death and violence seems to be the objective of the United States in the Mexican scenario.

Calderón almost broke with the United States because it was clear to him that Mexico is, and will be, the Vietnam of drugs. In other words, the war on drug trafficking will never be won by the Mexican State, never, at least, when there is another option for the United States. If the Mexican military are murderers, drug traffickers and criminals, it is because North America puts it that way in its geopolitical strategy. The biggest Latin American drug traffickers have been members of the CIA. The problem is that the United States takes the money and the drugs, but leaves us the dead and the grudges.

Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, García Luna, and Salvador Cienfuegos will remain in the cluster of politicians who cooperated with the US drug government and, later, were left to their fate. The possibility that the former president also steps in jail remains in parentheses.

The most tragic thing, however, is the contextual condemnation imposed on Mexico: to remain the space for the distribution, trafficking and exploitation of drugs for the benefit of the US economy of war and consumption.

Behind the frustrated presidency of Felipe Calderón, there remains the American government that has no interest in making Mexico change and only maintains the supine intelligence that a wall can save it from chaos. It is necessary to shout to the DEA, CIA and FBI, etc., that not only the southern United States is Mexican territory, there are hundreds of cartel cells that will soon be narco-terrorists; the failed state is not a state, it is a virus that spreads. Muslim, Afro-American radicalism will soon be accompanied by Hispanic radicalism.

Mexico is more than a mafia republic (Escalante Gonzalbo), it is a narcosystem that advances without control, unlike the United States. The war that began under Calderonism is not going to stop, it is getting worse and will get worse if the United States continues to betray its Mexican collaborators. The president of Mexico, the political parties and civil society have the obligation to amend the geopolitical vocation assigned to us by North America and stop feasting on the fate of the García Luna and Cienfuegos. The problem is that the United States and the extreme right reproduce them in droves while the country falls apart and fills with blood and graves.Who certifies the United States in its fight against drugs? What American bosses have fallen in its war on drugs? Why does the United States not stop trafficking in weapons for organized crime groups in Mexico? Why does the United States not allow Mexican agents and military to act within its territory?

Mexico is in a low intensity war (A. Schedler) in which the United States is cause and effect. North America forces the rulers, personally, to go out to kill mafia bosses and, on the other hand, the American intelligence pacts with them. In the middle are the disappeared, the dead, and other criminal taxonomy that generalized violence accustoms us to.

America is not trustworthy. Perhaps that is why Felipe Calderón was about to close his embassy permanently. America is unfair.

The crisis of the party system confirms that Mexico is returning to an era of caudillismo and factionalism, similar to the experience of the 19th century and to that of Latin America when there was a coup every four years. The parties were simply pulverized and the PRI's cohesive cement no longer hits anything.

The political factionalism that will continue demands electoral and government systems that force cooperation or, at least, the clear definition of majorities.

The refusal to form political parties is illogical, in addition to allowing those who want to join, they must also withdraw the public resources that are assigned to them, if someone wants to fight for power that they bet their money.

The Empire said NO

The Empire said NO

May 16, 2020

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/05/16/El-Imperio-dijo-NO

A few weeks ago, Roberta Jacobson, former United States ambassador to Mexico, pointed out that former President Felipe Calderón knew the relationship of his Secretary of Public Security, Genaro García Luna, with the Sinaloa cartel and other drug trafficking actors in our country. All in all, Americans cannot be surprised when they denounce actions like Calderón's. The United States is the main drug trafficking and drug-consuming power. In narcotics he found, since the Second World War, a way to finance his war economy. All the presidents who collaborate with North America are, have had to be and will be like Calderón, including López Obrador.

Felipe Calderón, like Gustavo Díaz Ordaz and Carlos Salinas de Gortari, are proof of the serious consequence of fully adhering to North American geopolitics and considering their support for posterity when, as former presidents, they seek to exert their influence again. The United States has interests, not friends. The evidence of the presidential links with drug trafficking is like the indications of the LITEMPO payroll. The right is responsible for the tone of relations between Mexico and the United States. As CIA agents and traitors to the country, they profited from the millions of anti-communist dollars to exterminate opposition and social movements, setting the tone for America to expand its imperialism and bring Mexicans to their knees. There was the dirty war that makes them so proud and that they continue to practice on a daily basis. The message from the United States to the right now is to be patient and to seek more serious agendas than feminism. For López Obrador, the message is that he continue working in the WALL for Central American emigration and that he persist in the regulation of drug trafficking. The sword of Imperialism weighs on AMLO, it makes more and more commitments behind society's back. The president must not forget Francisco I. Madero and Henry Lane Wilson, nor the National Catholic Party.

Felipe Calderón may be the Díaz Ordaz of the 21st century, there is hardly anything that can be said in his favor. Could these characters have opposed North American geopolitical interests? Maybe not. But they were able to do less harm by trying to strengthen the State and its institutions, improving the educational level or reducing poverty. On the contrary, obedience to the directives of the pentagon made Mexico project in the next Iraq, where the Yankee economy makes prospective. To strengthen the Creole oligarchy, the PRI and PAN governments encouraged the anti-communist paranoia of the United States and, now, they continue to affirm that the ghosts of the LC23Sep and Lucio Cabañas materialize in López Obrador to carry out the Red Revolution. Their fear of social movements caused the peasants to leave the homeland and the middle class to become a survivor. Every day the right has less credibility despite the scandalous black campaigns that they are able to sponsor.

The state of violence has allowed capitalism through dispossession that plundered Mexico's natural and human resources. It should not be surprising that the presidents of Mexico, the North American Security Agencies, and drug traffickers have deals and coordinate actions to regulate the flow of drugs that enters the United States. Since Adolfo López Mateos, Mexican presidents have had to be CIA agents. The serious thing is to give credibility in Mexico to the hypotheses of the North American propaganda regarding the links between emigration and drug trafficking, it is a lack of respect for those who leaving the country, still maintain support for their communities and families thanks to the nostalgia economy . If not for these resources, the market in various areas would collapse. Linking remittances with drug trafficking is a fallacious justification for moral Americans. its migrantologists have studied the matter in depth and have found no money laundering or arms purchases in the hundred dollars a week and / or fortnightly that the countrymen send to their people. It is a transfer that impacts in volume, but constitutes an ant money that hardly activates regional economies, contributing to the country's development. The failure of Sedesol's 3x1 public policy, created enthusiastically during the Vicente Fox period, indicates that these remittances are minimal and peculiar in their integration. They are resources that come to account drops to the expeller communities of emigrants and that little reduce the marginalization, poverty, chiefdom and gunfighting. There is the Mixteca Poblana as well as regions of Guanajuato, Jalisco, Zacatecas and Michoacán where remittances serve to survive the day.

The mention of both situations would not have much relation if there were not a third opinion, which has been repeated for some years: that criminal groups “inject” the Mexican economy through drug trafficking through alternative routes to banks, such as political parties, construction companies, film studios, sports, music events, etc., so that it cannot be traced whether the origin of said economic resources is legal or not. In parallel, just as the formal and informal economies have been affected by the Covid-19 pandemic, activities related to the production and transfer of narcotic drugs, arms smuggling and money laundering, have experienced liberalization due to the approach on health issues. Which means that the demand for drugs in the United States is infinite and there is no way to regulate the supply. But that is the responsibility of the United States and the more than one hundred million addicts in its territory.

Mexico must think of models such as Costa Rica, Panama, Puerto Rico or Peru to approach US capitalism in a new way, since maintaining itself as a narco-state constitutes a dangerous choice that gives way to wild forms of US interventionism. As long as the primary sector, industry and public service are not developed properly, the economy of informality and crime will be the daily characteristics.

The anti-communist rage of the Mexican right and its absurd coup proposals must be canceled. The US support for AMLO implies that our country needs stability and to continue operating in conditions that do not irritate the Empire. In these times, for the United States, the Mexican right is more dangerous than the drug traffickers. Catholic nationalists are more rabid than the Taliban. The Mexican right needs to synchronize itself with the important changes brought about by the death of neoliberalism, the times of health governance and technological innovation. It is up to them to support López Obrador, their legitimate and legal president.

All three comments highlight Mexico's dependence on North America. While the United States will not come to solve Mexico's problems, it should consider whether keeping Mexico and Central America as its drug suppliers is productive in any sense. The United States and Mexico must think of a different form of economic, social, and political integration.

Andreas Schedler, the party of "perrones" and the electoral gutierritos

Andreas Schedler, the party of "perrones" and the electoral gutierritos

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

José Antonio Meade Kuribreña is asking for US intervention in Mexico to safeguard the discouraged national bourgeoisie and not break with dependence on US imperialism. Only in this way can the Internal Security Law be understood as well as the lack of recognition of the reality that our country is experiencing. A character like Andreas Schedler (In the fog of war, 2015) is surprised by the cynicism and denial that is made of a context like the Mexican. The academic is one of the most important figures of national political science; However, the most important thing has been its evolution from the defenseless electoral analysis to the study and understanding of the phenomenon that distinguishes this cute and bandit Mexico: violence. Our country is experiencing a war of low intensity, at the level of the Middle East, that few have wanted to see and, even less, try to do something to organize -only- the issue. Schedler's ideas disagree with those political scientists and social scientists who are blinded by internal colonialism. For this caste of organic intellectuals, the country is at peace and considers Meade Kuribreña as the most exemplary citizen that the PRI could achieve. The situation is serious to be disguised in this way. The Mexican academy not only borders on irresponsibility and inefficiency; He has also been infected with the Lucifer syndrome characteristic of the national oligarchy. They accuse animosity when they are referred to the most obvious data; But, the situation is beyond the borderline between the social groups that make up our social structure. There is no longer space to support the slaughterhouse that Mexico became. Do not they smell the stench of flesh and blood?

Historical manipulation and denial are everyday factors in the perspective of hegemonic thinking. It has gone from golden history to history in pink. The Mexican Revolution, the PRI, Díaz Ordaz and Echeverría never existed for the fascist intellectual  -like Francisco Franco in the Spanish television sausages-. The oligarchy and its electoral gutterritos tell the myth of a democratic transition princess whose velvet reaches the limits of the universe and its blue prince overflows charisma, leadership and kindness as Maciel of the Legionaries of Christ. Studies like those of Andreas Schedler inform us that, the fantastic thing really, was the beautiful trajectory of the transition; there was never "alternation" or "political change" but a "modus vivendi" between the bishops of the Revolutionary Family and the bishops of the Holy See to coexist the Mexican government.

Now that López Obrador proposes a pact with the drug trafficking groups to establish peace in Mexico, the electoral and technocratic packs have been released to question the idea. Have you forgotten the proposal to legalize the transfer and consumption of drugs that in the past was observed as a logical way to reduce the social bitterness of the nation? Even Vicente Fox agreed with the need to regularize the psychotropic business as it is done in some states of the American Union. Where was the fixation in the model of the Netherlands to make Mexico a simile of European harmonic consumption?

Those who accuse of extravagant - to say the least - Peje's proposal, are the same ones who make millions of dollars in their television networks promoting series and characters that constitute, yes, monuments to the culture of crime and impunity. They oppose the legalization of drugs, the regularization of arms, the construction of peace, then, what do they want? Surely they propose the Kirrarcado Mirrey that they have learned in the Creole homeland. They have become immensely rich building a Narco-State. Is not it still enough?

The PRI candidate for the presidency of Mexico, seeks to open the doors to US military intervention justifying the force of narcoterrorism as an obstacle to governance. The oligarchy supports this issue because it seeks to emulate Panama, Colombia, Honduras or Guatemala; where Creole strains have managed to preserve their privileges by taking care of the business of the empire. The powers that be do not assume their responsibility in front of the monster they have created. They do not want to govern; but they want to remain in government to safeguard their lineages, interests and corruption.

The electoral gutterritos that praise, of course, to the priandist Meade; They are first-line liars and dishonest. If their electoral indices have not shown them that now PRI govern us all political parties, that everyone surrenders to presidential honey trying to be the most servile; So, why do you think we should believe them now? The legalization of drugs, their economic regularization and pacification with regional cartels, is the most civilized measure to give the government leeway in many entities and municipalities of the country. Was the bloodbath that Felipe Calderón Hinojosa offered to Mexico useful? Why do not the armed forces shoot down corrupt and unbalanced politicians?

Agreeing peace with regional drug trafficking groups as well as other subaltern associations is a necessary and urgent measure; before those in charge of factionalism carry out their tasks. Indeed, history and fiction should serve to diminish so much head in the political act. It has happened a thousand times. Provided that Mexicans, institutional and subordinate, decide to organize themselves; the foreign element appears to generate selfishness and confrontation. Within the narcoculture promoted by the Mass Media, there is a film like "La fiesta de los perrones" (Jesus Fragoso Montoya, 1999) that clearly proves the aggressive interventionism against Mexico. It is obvious that the drug trafficking groups and the government of the country could find a Pareto optimum to harmonize their relationship; However, this is inconvenient for North America and its vassals. Even if the drug traffickers decided to make peace, the United States and its Creole employees would generate the confrontation that would allow them to rationalize the context. The American Union does not want to end the public health problem that has become the drug phenomenon; he wants money and he will do everything possible to get it. North America seeks to control drug trafficking because it continues to be one of the best businesses in the world; No matter that most of his youth is sunk in addictions. Can they intervene militarily in Mexico if things keep getting complicated? Of course, with all the right in between. The arms business is also profitable from its rational choice. They have sold bullets and military supplies to all the sides that want to destroy themselves in our republic. Hence the reason for choosing peace before it is too late. On the Creole serfs who have always betrayed their countries of birth; there is nothing to say.

Something similar happens with Andreas Schedler than with Stephen Hawking. The neglect of the political scientist and the physicist will be terrible to the future. Do not they count, said characters, with sufficient scientific capacity to pay attention? Or measures of coexistence and pacification are established with the armed groups of the drug traffickers, the self-defense groups, the populations inserted in the crime and the insurgent groups that legitimately seek to survive in front of the specter of neoliberalism, or the country will be condensed of independent figures like the General Francisco Villa and Emiliano Zapata that in Mexico and now in the south of the United States will demand with all the force that justice that the colonial structure has denied.