Anti-populism takes up anti-communism

 

Anti-populism takes up anti-communism

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The removal of the sculptures of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara has renewed the debate surrounding anti-communism in Mexico. The animosity of the radical Morena supporters places President Claudia Sheinbaum facing a significant challenge, given the historical trajectory of anti-communism in Mexico, an issue that requires careful, thoughtful, and critical approach. Anti-communism in Mexico is not new, but it has gained strength in the last decade, especially since 2006, when animosity and anti-populism intensified following post-election conflicts and the wave of the South American left.

This phenomenon transcends mere electoral competition and is an ideological confrontation that seeks to arouse fears of communism. This strategy could have profound consequences for the country's political and social polarization, primarily because it appeals to North American interests. Mexican society is deeply conservative, illiberal, and more nationalist than progressive, which further complicates the situation.

As the ruling party, Morena faces major problems in this context, including a lack of internal cohesion and discipline, as well as an excessive focus on external demands, such as those of Donald Trump. The opposition has found support in external sectors, such as business, civil society, and the Catholic Church, which appear interested in countering López Obrador's influence on Sheinbaum.

Anti-communism in Mexico draws fundamentally from two sources: Catholic nationalism and the influence of the United States.

In the past, the Mexican left has struggled to effectively counter these forces, in part due to the conservative and illiberal nature of Mexican society. Mexico was a hub for the World Anti-Communist League, where the PRI had a permanent membership. To emerge successful this time, it is crucial that Morena and its leaders opt for moderation and pragmatism. Moving away from ideological extremes and the influence of radical actors, as well as controversial actors exposed by media scandals, could be a more effective strategy to regain legitimacy in society. Moderation and constructive dialogue, both nationally and internationally, could be key to navigating these challenges and promoting more inclusive and sustainable development for Mexico.

President Sheinbaum should carefully consider how to address the issue of communism and anti-communism in her administration, prioritizing moderation and pragmatism in her public policies and governance. This could help reduce polarization and promote greater stability and social cohesion in the country. There is no point in burning the country down for lost causes.

In this context, the question is whether Morena will rise to the bait of the anti-communist struggle and what effect this will have on the Mexican social environment. The answer will largely depend on the strategy adopted by President Sheinbaum and her team, and how they balance internal and external pressures with the need to promote more inclusive and sustainable development for Mexico.

History has shown that the Mexican left has lost important battles against anti-communism, and the level of factionalism and incompetence within the Mexican left has also contributed to its historic defeats. Therefore, it is critical that Morena and its leaders learn from these experiences and develop an effective strategy to address the challenges faced in the current context.

The Drunkard came Drunk

The Drunkard Came Drunk (JAJ)

September 10, 2020

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/09/10/Lleg%C3%B3-Borracho-el-Borracho

The slander campaign against former President Felipe Calderón is unnecessary, it is base and shows the felony of the commitments that President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has reached with the United States and the Mexican extreme right. Since Manuel Ávila Camacho, the informants and moles are the same primitive joints that boast as members of the secret societies reserved for Catholic nationalism and of which guys like Manuel Espino are worthy representatives. Andrés Manuel López Obrador cannot question Felipe Calderón because he is working with them: uncompromising integral Catholicism found a place in MORENA and at the highest levels of public administration. Some state governments, such as the case of Puebla, are controlled to the bone by the usual pseudonazis: morons, opportunists and moralists.

The attack on Felipe Calderón comes from the extreme right that has always controlled the Mexican State. The one that put itself at the service of the United States and then brought Mexico to its knees in front of the American Union. Is Calderón held responsible for being submissive to the Pentagon and the Vatican? Can AMLO govern in another way? The alleged alcoholism is a complete set. In a country with a highly significant culture of alcoholism, you cannot move land and sea so that the people pay tribute to the holy men of the canteens and, then, take a political figure to hell for the same circumstances. This is tartuism, you are or you are not. Tomás Garrido Canabal shot drunkards the same as Iglesias dynamited.

AMLO uses the worst rhetoric to govern and tomorrow will be the banquet of the Catholic-conservative nationalists who now claim to be on his side. The currency of these groups is harassment and confidential extortion, blackmail. By including them in your government, they have taken more information from you than you imagine and that will be used appropriately. You just have to wait for the death of the king for the new king to live and the courtesans make use of the data that they palatially obtained to find accommodation.

The folly of summoning the reference and discretion of Mario Bergoglio to gain legitimacy is a sample of the populist fallacy everywhere. Every Christian who deigns to be respected has more references than the Popes. Insisting on mixing Catholicism and politics only shows the degree of vassalage and slavery that is generated in the Latin American, Latin and Central European world. For purposes of religious pluralism, the consideration of making constant biblical references as well as the messages of Mario Bergoglio does not do a favor to Mexican democracy. What are there not other authors, even Christians, to point out the importance of a value or express the legitimacy of an action? Can't you cite an academic or, if the religious issue is important, the Jewish, Muslim, Buddhist or vegan minister? The debate over the president's religious messages is an unnecessary assault on liberal secular culture. During the XIX and XX centuries, the attacks on the Mexican State have been gigantic by the high Catholic clergy.

Illiberal democracy is one of the consequences of Christian democracy. This is the anthropological limit of our political evolution. As in post-war Italy, there are only three Jesuit options: white, black, and red. Enrique Krauze when defining the PAN, considered that half of the party is Yunque, and the other half is also Catholic but is divided into aspirationists,liberals, civilists and humanists. This is all of Mexico. The overcoming of these anthropological limits is impossible to break if the historical rupture is Porfirio Muñoz Ledo.

Christian democracy walks on the edge of the fascist razor. Even though some of their governments are tolerant of sexual, cultural, racial and religious pluralisms, the truth is that they cannot resist the temptation to implement public policies and laws with a Christian orientation, particularly that of intransigent integral Catholicism.

The political parties that assume the banner of Christian democracy, inevitably admit clericalism and clerical tutelage in the conformation of their governments as well as in their international relationship with the Holy See. The cases of Latin America and Eastern Europe constitute the largest spaces for Christian democracy. Mainly due to the lack of a liberal culture in the economic, political and social sense. While in other societies –especially of Protestant Christian orientation, the civic culture with respect to secularization and secularism does not present a major conflict, in Central European Latin American and Catholic societies, the absence of clericalism in the governmental dimension, and of the entire social structure, is considered a tragedy.

For the Christian Democrats of Catholic descent, conservative nationalist rhetoric and narrative remains of great value. In the aforementioned regions, even leftist governments must reconcile their progressive ideas with the values ​​and guidelines of Roman Catholicism. MORENA and AMLO are doing it. López Obrador will remain on the lines of Ávila Camacho, Echeverría, Salinas, Fox and Calderón.

Christian democracy, more than a phenomenon of political ideology, constitutes a geopolitical strategy to form right-wing governments, political parties that defend its doctrine and create the perfect Christian societies where Catholic believers are the majority.

In Catholic societies with little liberal development, factionalism and succession within the Catholic Church are more important than within the political system itself. This element is worth highlighting because it complies with Max Weber's interpretive references regarding the development between Catholics and Protestants; but it also makes it possible to highlight the consequences of the lack of a civic culture and liberal political awareness.

Latin America and Eastern Europe, more and more, have authoritarian, confessional, corrupt governments that fall into populism - simply to keep the political oligarchy united, but around Catholic and Christian religious groups.

As long as the nations with significant Catholic groups do not generate religious revolutions that generate ultra-liberalism of beliefs, as well as pacts of religion and tolerance, the necessary social differentiation for the free structuring of the political, economic and social fields will be inhibited. The Catholic-oriented Christian democracy remains in the organic and corporate society of the Middle Ages

The geopolitical strategy that Catholic nationalism promoted in Eastern Europe to confront communism and acquire territories for the dominion of the Catholic Church was successful in the dismantling of the USSR. However, in almost thirty years time, the region has not developed consolidated or mature democracies and, despite the regret of some analysts who exaggerate the virtues of Christian democracy, Mittleuropa is a pro-fascist region close to the far-right regimes in the early days of the twentieth century.

For several years, the text of Ilan Bizberg and Marcyn Fribes: Transitions to democracy. Lessons for Mexico, edited by Cal y Arena, was put to the consideration of the PAN groups, particularly El Yunque, as one of the models to guide the Mexican political transition. In the words of Frido Arias Kung, an attempt was made to bring the figure of Vicente Fox closer to Lech Walesa so that the condition of Catholic nationalism would serve as an impetus for regime change and historical rupture as in the experience of Eastern Europe. However, Mexico is not Poland and Hispanic Catholicism, as conservative as it pretends to be, does not come close to Polish Catholicism. It tries to imitate anti-Semitism and anti-communism, but the distance from the European experience and the Hispanic condition, designed a corrupt and corrupting model that little imitates the Polish historical dynamics.

There are many differences between the Polish and Hispanic experience. While Poland has a civil war with its Slavic first cousins ​​- the Russians, in the Hispanic case, despite the fact that the recovery of the territories dominated by Islam took eight centuries, a process of interculturality was generated in the South of Spain that until the date does not want to be recognized by Spaniards who think they are direct descendants of Adolfo Hitler, even though they were born in Cholula (Puebla). Sefarad generated a strange multiculturalism that leads to distinguish the region of Europe and Christianity itself. Latin America is a great Sepharad. Transreligious Multicultural Populations. Perhaps these characteristics, strange elements, are what have inhibited the Polish experience.

Poland was generating a historical conflict with Russia, with all the racial, cultural and religious similarities. The Soviet communist rule, in an unjustified and totalitarian way, widened the gap and was a significant element in increasing the reserves that the region keeps against Russia.

The Spanish democratic transition was a space for negotiation and coexistence between the republican and monarchist factions that implemented the traditional Canovism of the ineffective Spanish ruling house. Although there is talk of national reconciliation and oblivion, the truth is that there is a historical space where, in a nicdemic way, the reformist and moderate sectors have been working.

The transition to democracy in Poland presents different characteristics. The Catholic Church had been establishing itself as the banner of national identity against Russian communism. Although it had its spaces for negotiation with the USSR, there was no attempt on the part of the Catholics to agree with the communists. In Poland there is a process of restructuring from the authentic civil society that fought for democracy, but which, over time, has resulted in the formation of far-right governments. By way of justification, Catholic nationalism remains in force as a defense mechanism against Russia, which, now, under the rule of Vladimir Putin, seeks to regain the geopolitical hegemony that characterized Russia during the Tsarist and Communist years.

Catholic Latin America does not have an enemy like Russia near here, if the United States opened its borders everyone would want to get involved. That is why Intermarium is a failed strategy of the Latin American right. The collaboration of Frido Arias Kung with the PAN and the democratic Christian identity movement of America, thus suggests it.

Populism, the political experience of Cuba, Nicaragua or Venezuela, are not at all compared to the USSR, China or North Korea, with everything and the shouting that the extreme right makes from Miami and Argentina. Left-wing governments in Latin America are innocuous against the imperialism of the Holy See and the United States. For the historian Loris Zanatta and the comparative Bertrand Badie, we are either conservative (right) or progressive (left) Catholic populists.

The Falklands War between Argentina and England is more important in regional identity than the Dirty War that was carried out against leftist or openly communist groups that were few, disorganized and without any external element of support. Cuba itself has experienced this orphanhood since the missile crisis in 1961. In the case of Mexico, at this point, only Samuel Huntington and George Friedman think of predicting a war between Mexico and the United States. Mexican integration into the United States is so obvious that, in addition to adopting Mickey Mouse's ears, the people would act as Panamanian society did in the invasion of that country to overthrow Manuel Noriega, a former collaborator of the CIA. Only the Argentines have used this rhetoric to confront the English.

The Intermarium in Latin America has served so that Catholic nationalists satisfy their desire to kill, viciously murdering communists, indigenous people, feminists, workers and, above all, students. And to co-govern with the communist snitches. The pact with the PRI organized crime has been made since the time of Manuel Ávila Camacho.

The economic, political and social indicators of Eastern Europe are not due to Christian democracy but to the geopolitical possibility of constituting itself as a strategy of Western culture against Russia and the Arab world.

Poland is characterized from Russia as the "Trojan Donkey" and, during the 20th century, the consequences of her behavior have not made her understand.

In the case of Mexico, the lesson from Eastern Europe should be: find an enemy as great as Russia, China or Islam so that North America and the Holy See grant their support to structural improvement.

While that happens, it only remains to maintain the behavior of the Latino or Hispanic world, fighting among themselves: the north against the south, the colorist, racist and social struggle of the castes, the struggle of a Hispanic Creole oligarchy against popular aspirationist groups, competition for corruption, emigration of marginalized groups to North America, etc., so that our societies have minimal income.

To put it more clearly, Spain, Portugal and Italy; they remain our anthropological limits. The Italian and Iberian peninsula, as well as Eastern Europe, are models of illiberal, Catholic, ineffective, blocked, Christian democracies close to fascism when conditions require it, liberal as far as the bishops and the social structure allow. Christian democracy is antagonistic to liberal democracies.

In Mexico, as in Spain, a nicodemic, Canoist, turncoat transition has taken place, where the fighting groups have become accustomed to agreeing to transas, to migrate and to change their party jacket at the most opportune moment. The only verb that knows how to conjugate Mexican politics, is the one that Martín Luis Guzmán puts in the mouth of Olivier Fernández, avatar of Jorge Prieto Laurens (Catholic Nationalist, anti-communist, collaborator of the CIA, founder of the Tecos y Yunque) is backgammon, betray, get up early. And the man who gets up early, you know who he is.

 (JAJ) José Alfredo Jiménez. Mexican singer-songwriter from Dolores Hidalgo, Guanajuato

Transfuguism and Plot. The characteristics of the transition via elections

Transfuguism and Plot. The characteristics of the transition via elections

August 17, 2020
Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/08/17/Transfuguismo-y-Contubernio-Las-caracter%C3%ADsticas-de-la-transici%C3%B3n-v%C3%ADa-elecciones

Why does Mexico continue under the electoral route scheme to build its democracy? Although political scientists called the model of the Mexican transition “Via Competitive Elections”, the data on corruption, fraud, vote buying and corporatism leave much to be desired about the importance of the Mexican electoral system. Rather, the electoral system becomes the judicial political arena where political factions resolve their differences. The Mexican transition should be called: Political transition via judicialized elections. And if it is remembered that the Mexican political system and the foundations of the Nation State were built by lawyers, perhaps this characterization is understood. Lately, the Mexican judicial system created mediation structures and houses of justice precisely to demonstrate the importance of reaching agreements due to the prolonged and rugged condition that judicializing things implies. The Mexican judicial system is corrupt, incompetent and incapable of providing justice. The judicial processes in Mexico are dark, onerous and long - if not infinite - that few decide and endure to maintain. Hence, “mediation” has been implemented as a cultural and economic way to accommodate reparation, but not justice, in litigation.

However, the creation of the Mexican electoral system generated a special section of the contentious sphere in electoral processes, few countries in democratic consolidation have special courts for electoral matters and political rights trials. In reality, these ways constitute spaces for collusion and a pact - not always honest or definitive - that tempers the radicalization of the actors.

Justice is unattainable and, therefore, perhaps these forms are the best possible in cultures such as Mexico. The electoral system of our country has not been able to combat the vices that characterize the political tradition, although citizenship allows us to recover evidence of improper acts or contradictions to inform public opinion in the way that the electoral course had, this is not a guarantee of a fair electoral process, power groups negotiate and the results can be convenient or immoral to society. In the end, it is the correlation of forces that determines the product of the negotiation. Democracy, then, becomes the marketing of the popular will.

Although this was proposed as an innovator in the creation of the Federal Electoral Institute (IFE), now INE (National Electoral Institute), in reality it happened within the Institutional Revolutionary Party and only with the sectors that made up the revolutionary coalition. The priistologists wondered about the mode of distribution of the candidacies in the PRI and the presidential succession, thanks to hermeneutic studies (Garrido, Ai Camp, Crespo), mathematical (Gil / Schmidt) and fictional (Castañeda and Álvarez Mosqueda), we found a negotiating table where the cliques made agreements and had radical measures to enforce them. The president of the republic was a “primus inter pares”, the great hegemonic elector; but, a mortal god. Every political succession involved this form of negotiations. The model was transferred to the Mexican electoral system in its judicial dimension and, now, instead of negotiating the PRI cliques, they negotiate the oligarchies of the parties - where, by the way, many PRI members were transferred.

Manuel Camacho Solís always held the idea of ​​a change without rupture, which is why, perhaps, in the form of inertia, that has come to mean the Mexican electoral system. A romantic table of national reconciliation will hardly occur where a form of stony and eternal political order is defined. Spain, Chile, Greece, Portugal and the countries of the ex-communist bloc, built a form of political negotiation that consolidated democracy in a dynamic way unlike our country. The unfortunate thing about the Mexican case is that the judicialization-negotiation does not imply electoral justice or true democracy, but basic agreements to overcome political competition and where, as in the Mexican legal system, those who have more money to buy the judges and do the best show, they are what they manage to impose. The recent scandal of the oil company Odebrecht and its derivations reveal the way in which corrupt lobbying influences elections and the shaping of economic interests. Why haven't the political registration of the PRI and PAN been taken away?

Manuel Camacho Solís, one of the main political strategists of salinism and lopezobradorism, proposed the idea of ​​"change without rupture" for the Mexican political system, since doing so would generate ruptures, breaks, fragmentations, could lead the country to catastrophic scenarios of ungovernability and dissolution. Like Jesús Reyes Heroles, time and reality have come to prove them right. Mexico still lives in the old regime and the more it tries to get out of that space, the more it ends up sinking and tying the historical knots of the Mexican political system.

The political transition consists of a historical break, a change of regime from the theoretical perspective that you want to propose. This phenomenon has not occurred in Mexico, the political alternations move under the protocol of the old regime.

With Morena and AMLO, the phenomenon of political participation occurred, which generated a massive vote to avoid fraud and electoral bureaucratic tricks. However, the pragmatic alliances of the National Regeneration Movement fill Q4 with contradictions and make López Obrador's campaign promises unfeasible. Despite the fact that President Andrés Manuel enjoys a broad electoral base, he has had to coexist with prianism and, even, admit radical ultra-right cadres into the public administration. In the integration process to reach state and federal governments, Morena included eminent politicians from Acción Nacional as well as Catholic nationalist groups and humanist businessmen, who had not found candidates in the PAN or were excluded. AMLO received, uncritically, a considerable number of intransigent integral Catholics linked, or not, to the reserved societies and who occupy important positions in the public administration at the federal and state levels.

The right is experiencing a process of disintegration of the party that traditionally brought them together. The PAN presidential candidacy and the 2018 electoral process generated a civil war of the right-wing factions that culminated in the departure of several cadres and contingents of the PAN to independent movements and the National Regeneration Movement.

Jean Meyer wonders how a government would have had from the synarchist perspective. By 2000, and twelve years later, Mexico could not to establish the government that the Cristeros imagined, nor that that the Christian democratic intellectuals proposed.

Neoliberalism was an economic regime that subordinated politics to its interests without contempt for who governs. Thus, then, rather than building a “Mary Help of Christians” throughout the country, what happened was the establishment of a series of pacts with various powers of the matter –particularly drug trafficking– to maintain governance. National Action could not make a regime change, a historical break; on the contrary, the electoral arena is the negotiating table, the Moncloa Pact, where the actors negotiate the interests of the citizens.

The PAN was characterized by taking the teaching corporatism and caciquil power to correct political alternations and, at least, know the public administration at the federal and state levels. Suddenly, they appeared as respectable PAN members, former members of the Revolutionary Family and the neo-PRI generations. During the government of Enrique Peña Nieto, a PRI administration of the country can be seen in the formulation of public policies such as "The Pact for Mexico" and the electoral negotiation-agreement.

In contrast to the Catholic nationalist politicians who went to MORENA, some more decided to integrate front groups such as FRENA (Frente Nacional Anti-Amlo) and, in an ambiguous way, radicalize their positions so that the yunquistas and Tecos, who are in the administration public of Morena, obtain better positions and charges; Or, to form a political position that - now - is concentrated in the Citizen Movement or in local political institutes that aspire to build citizen candidacies away from the progressivism that 4T represents and according to the development of the political crisis as a result of COVID and its effects . Also, abandoned from the PAN, is a religious right that opts for an apocalyptic discourse and points out the importance of Donald Trump being re-elected to contrast the war waged against Western culture by Asian countries - particularly China - and Islam - fundamentally the one developed in Europe. For this last trend, what is important is that a West is formed around the United States and that the Catholic Church is in charge of purifying Christianity based on the geopolitical model of Eastern Europe. The members of the apocalyptic right, even delegitimize the papal authority of Mario Bergoglio and opt for a Tridentine tendency close to Ratzinger.

The element that will define the behavior of religious rights is constituted by the North American elections. At the geopolitical level they will have to decide whether to support Biden or Trump, according to the hegemony of Russia and China to develop. The advance of Chinese civilization is more dangerous for uncompromising integral Catholicism since the current government is not distinguished by religious tolerance and respect for human rights that Catholicism has found in other societies, likewise, because within China, the Catholic Church is insignificant.

Hence, while Catholic nationalists within the Morenoite government advance and remain silent, radical Catholic groups in FRENA and Movimiento Ciudadano, rebuild the anti-communist rhetoric (Although they do not directly attack China) and seek to promote a crusade for Western civilization that approximates Donald Trump as the contemporary Saint George or Ronald Reagan.

AMLO has fallen into the vicious circle of Mexican-style negotiations. Catholic nationalism operates as it has always been doing. In a long-term perspective, the Empire of the Holy See seizes every opportunity. Morena is in detention and unable to fulfill her campaign promises. This is a point in favor of the groups that do not have the same flags as Morena and many points against those who voted for Morena and expected great transformations. Morena will deliver little of what he promised in the campaign and runs the risk of being a great disappointment.

Fakefeminism and the audacity of the mexican extreme right

Fakeminism and the audacity of the Mexican extreme right
February 28, 2020

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/02/28/El-fakeminismo-y-las-audacias-de-la-ultraderecha-mexicana?fbclid=IwAR3Mx_8WXU0S5k8kyLqJdO8ukqGXH4kzwVpn982XstPxWupRtkeBtZS8FFM

Female leadership has been present in the important circumstances and the most significant moments of national life. The historical forces that have set the tone for the political dialectic in the country have had their heroines and great collaborators sometimes leading, sometimes discreet. In the case of Mexican conservatism there are many women who have contributed since anonymity, and contribute, to the magnitude of right-wing hegemony.

An important historical stage to understand how rights, particularly religious rights, use women to obtain their political ends and the necessary power, is the Cristero War of the early twentieth century. Generals Calles and Obregón sarcastically believed that the religious conflict was "a matter of skirts," referring to the influence that Catholic priests exerted on devout women. But minimizing the power of the skirts strengthened invisible chains of command of men and women who armed the Cristeros with multiple supplies and the violence unleashed was so severe, or even worse than that experienced in the Mexican Revolution.

The organization was so effective that it achieved the assassination of the elected President. The religious María Concepción de la Llata ​​was part of a plot that fractured the Mexican State and exposed him to the intervention of the Holy See and the United States. The conspiracy that personified the "Mother Conchita" realizes how the Mexican extreme right uses women, and the consequences that this can bring. At the end of her life, Mother Concepción renounced those who abandoned her and ignored the importance of the generous act that the religious contributed to Mexican Catholicism. Just as the men with skirts used Mother Conchita to maintain the power of the Roman Caesar, they now repeat the lesson infiltrating feminist collectives and building hate campaigns.

Chantal Mouffe and Esther Vilar have recognized the existence of a “conservative feminism”, attached to a kiriarcado that links capitalism and religious control, which contrasts with the socialist, secular, liberal, environmentalist and democratic nature of authentic feminism. The right has celebrated student killings; There are hundreds of books where those who now care about the human rights of women and students recently celebrated their massacre. If they now show concern for them, this is false and is due to pragmatism and hypocrisy of the highest level.

Many mistakes the 4T government has made; Perhaps the most serious has been to agree with social Catholicism, believing to find an ally to move towards a new regime. The right has no word and has betrayed Mexico on countless occasions. Women, men, citizens in general should be aware that the high-ranking leaders with skirts, such as the multi-studied father Maciel, have never done anything for the good of the country, to encourage the exercise of reason and cultivate the free will of their flock. There are his works, there is his ethics.

In Mexico a true democracy is built. As in the Maderista era, the media abuse an unknown freedom and, instead of getting to work, of producing seriously, they demonstrate their meanness by prostituting the truth, serving the interest of the imperialists and fascists. Now they behave like suripantas of men with skirts

and expect a little man like Victoriano Huerta to conquer his free Mexico. It's coming, just remember who made our country the most dangerous in the world for journalists.

For the security and the rule of law to consolidate in Mexico, the secular State is indispensable. The right has been responsible for impoverishing the country and now cares for the poor; He has exercised control over Mexicans and today offers to free them. Society has been secularized at the pace of the Mexican transition, but it has not been able to shield against media manipulation and alienation. Society must inoculate against the usual liars. Is there any historical evidence that the right saves women and students? Has the Holy See or the “Mafia of men with skirts” done anything good in the countries they dominate? The manipulation of universities and the feminist movement is a felony and betrayal of human values. Do we forget who manages death squads and starving businessmen?

Confronting the female and student group with the Mexican government is not beneficial either for women or for students, much less for the design of public policies that democratic quality requires. Only whoever hates Mexicans could agree with something like that. When, like Mother Conchita, we go to the prison driven mad by the manipulation of building the City of God on earth under the guidance of the devil in dress, it will be too late for repentance

Intermarium, Imperialism and Coup in Latin America

Intermarium, Imperialism and Coup in Latin America
November 21, 2019

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/11/21/Intermarium-Imperialismo-y-Golpismo-en-Am%C3%A9rica-Latina

A few months ago, the Albores Magazine of the UAQ (2018 N.3) published a collective article on North American geopolitics during the Cold War era https://www.comecso.com/publicaciones/revista-albores-num-3. Weeks later, the Polish intellectual Maciek Wisniewski (La Jornada, 9/8/2019), expressed his surprise that the Latin American ultra right would take notes of an old and local project as, at the beginning of the 20th century, Josef Pilsudski was thinking . The historical analysis of Western intelligence strategies shows that the one who really resumed said anti-communist project and transferred it in principle to the Nazis and then to the Americans was the Catholic Church. The tripod faced the USSR and won in the Cold War, it is currently held as the triangle of Western control in the world.

Although the current geopolitics considers that the coordinates of the international analysis can no longer be those of the postwar period, the truth is that the protagonists of that moment are still the central states in the new world order. Likewise, the dementia of the myth of a Judeo Masonic Communist Conspiracy is the rhetoric of Latin American rights to propose an anti-Semitism without Jews (Claudio Lomnitz), capable of developing a machinery of death, disappearance and extermination against those who oppose the Holy Alliance : Christianity, Nazis and North America.

What happened in Venezuela, Chile, Ecuador and Bolivia show the strength of the theory and practice of Intermarium in Latin America. The Christian fundamentalism of the Catholic, Protestant and evangelical nationalists is nourished by an extremely violent and murderous anti-communist rage. Even though the Latin American left frequently took the option of guerrillas to generate the transformations that inspired their utopias, when it comes to hate, violence and authoritarianism, the right provides the strongest examples.

Medieval Christian thought, more than fascism, influences the action of rights and qualifies as universal enemies those who postulate progressive, social or nationalist ideas. The Catholic Church achieved the survival of the Roman Empire thanks to the persecution and extermination of communities reluctant to political religion. In this sense, for two thousand years the axis has been anti-Semitism or anti-Judaism; The method of destruction against the Jews is employed against the enemies of Christianity. Adolfo Hitler and his collaborators implemented it at the time, later, North America directs it.

The striking behavior of the Latin American right recalls the Cesaropapist expansionism. These Crusade or Holy War postulates have been used by American Imperialism to lead these warrior monks and create a highly favorable context; Thus, anticommunism has served to make Latin America the backyard of the Anglo-Saxon and Christian living space

The most forceful events for Latin America are closely linked to activities of the North American Intelligence Office. Although public opinion and a good part of the American political class support the United States to do what is necessary to amend the Hispanic chaos, the truth is that, paradoxically, disorder in adolescent republics is most convenient to Anglo-Saxon imperialism.

The historical sequence of foreign interventions, coups, indigenous extermination, rural communities, student and revolutionary communities have a common denominator: the CIA. The belligerence and terrorism of the rightist groups are financed by North America and the Holy See, the revolutionary leftist groups, rather than communist, have been anti-American nationalist groups.

Historical research has found the intersection of American Intelligence to generate the balances of power that suit their interests. Thanks to the Catholic national right, Latin America is chaos and is kidnapped by factual powers that constitute the true face of Western fundamentalism: the clerical Borgias. The enemies of Latin American modernity are the Ayatollahs of the faith who have no respect for life, the common good and marginalized social groups. They are still in the task of consolidating the Counter Reformation; rebuild the Carolingian Empire or the Holy Roman Empire.

The conflict results in the generation of Failed States that are ending up affecting North America. Latin American instability is equal to disproportionate emigration, drug trafficking and organized crime. The Failed States are zombie nations that are getting closer to North America. The southern United States can now be considered Hispanicized.

The American geopolitics have long warned, the risks for the Yankee Empire to solve the political behaviors of the Latin American right. But the invisible American government insists on controlling the hemisphere under agreements with the clerofascist groups in the region. The relationship of the United States with ultra-Christian groups is similar to that of Caligula and his horse. With them bread be eaten.

Faced with a context of exclusion, poverty, discrimination, cacicazgos and orphanhood, only emigration, informality and drug trafficking represent real options for the poorest population, which is the majority, to find a possibility to change their conditions. Both ways, the United States is the point of arrival.

In the face of the Latin American chaos managed by the rights, the United States will not be able to face the tandem of Latin American structural and historical problems and demands. More than a Hispanic challenge, the situation can become a final challenge.

The coup in Bolivia, the repression of social movements, enforced disappearances, the inhibition of social policies and the anti-communist polarization place us in that procedural democracies in the region must wear Mickey Mouse's ears and the crucifix. The geniuses of our political science are not even able to propose parliamentarism as a mediator, adducing cultural traditions. The Latin American lefts are warned, in that way, of the cost involved in the confrontation with the United States and the Cesaropapist rights. The 4T in Mexico will turn a Disneyland scenario to prevent the reactionaries from putting on Rambo's costume, there is the case of Pedro Salmerón and San Eugenio Garza Sada.

Latin America cannot protect itself from North America, the United States only respects countries that possess nuclear weapons; However, given the medieval time of our context, the Caudillo Bolívar of Gabriel García Márquez will remain lost in his labyrinth and will only find comfort in the Quijote de la Mancha.

Rusophobia, anti-Semitism and Mexico

Rusophobia, anti-Semitism and Mexico

http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2018/02/05/rusofobia-antisemitismo-y-mexico/

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

What is the reason that the Mexican extreme right seeks to resuscitate the spirit of Canoa and 1968 in the current elections? By accusing Russia of supporting Andrés Manuel López Obrador, are they trying to revive anti-communism, Judeophobia and violence against public universities?

Communism, Jews and the Russian Orthodox Church are elements that provoke conflict for Catholics. The Jewish-Illustrated conspiracy is emphasized, which acquires force when the Pontifical States are lost in 1870, and the Catholic Church blames the enemies Freemasons, enlightened, Jews, communists, liberals, secularizers and scientists. In the great conspiracy against the Church, all the enemies of Catholicism fit and are confused. The fundamentalism and Catholic fundamentalism would then be justified to reconfigure the greatness of the Church. The Holy See built the attacks on Russia from the moment when that country was a space for the survival of Bundism - a socialist Jewish movement - the affirmation of Orthodox Christianity, communism and Islam. One of the geopolitical projects for the protection of the Vatican State was the "Intemarium". The Intermarium was, and is, an anti-Jewish, Russophobic and ultraconservative Catholic project. When the Russian Revolution emerged, this strategy was implemented so that the intransigent integral Catholicism infiltrated governments, universities, civil society, etc., with the purpose of rooting Catholic secret organizations and controlling the status quo.

The animosity of Poland to Russia has infected the Ibero-American countries; nevertheless, the true rejection of Russia is not from Poland but from the Holy See that observes in Russia one of its main historical enemies. The Mexican far right has enunciated its historical attachment to the geopolitical project called Intermarium that coordinated the arrival of Karol Wojtyla as Bishop of Rome.

A few days ago, Poland enacted a law that sanctions the interpretation or indication that can be made between that nation and Nazi collaborationism. The fact constitutes a useless legislature with respect to historical evidences and facts. However; Beyond the Polish responsibility in the Holocaust, the interesting thing is to highlight the way in which anti-Semitism is used as a justification for Russophobia.

Recently, Russia has begun to take a leading role in the definition of global and European geopolitics. Since Vladimir Putin came to power there has been a synchronization between Russia's internal and external policy that seeks to affirm its vital space and zone of influence. The long period of the political group of Vladimir Putin has solved the crises of the USSR, the conflicts with the border areas and has maintained a zone of influence in Eastern Europe and the Middle East. Does Russia intend to constitute the Central State of the Baltic Slavic civilization? in the XXI century? How is Vladimir Putin's leadership to lead an elite that coordinates a semi-authoritarian democracy? Is Russia's development a risk for the West? Are there areas of influence for Russia in other civilizations? What is the reason for the emergence of Baltic Slavic identity in the post-communist era? What role does Russia play in the current multipolar scenario? Has it become a democratic, capitalist and liberal nation? Can it return to socialism to promote a new hegemony? What kind of power is Russia now?

Samuel Huntington gives Russia the treatment of a country whose modernity is frustrated or torn; at least, at the end of the 20th century, that's what it seemed. Russia has a Russian modernity, Baltic Slavic, which with greater certainty is attached and which, each time, has a resounding success. Russia supported, a little over a decade, the capitalist democratic neoliberal model; however, he abandoned it and has found himself again with an autochthonous experience of growth and development. This was the world of the future to which Huntington's hypotheses referred: 1) civilizations will develop internally in a radical process of differentiation with the West and 2) the West has to redefine its civilizing values ​​to stop its own decline in a global context where there are more and more actors and competitors.

Although the concept of clash of civilizations has a serious and bizarre impression, the most important thing that the hypotheses of the North American geopolitical singular have is the approach of the challenge that the culture or western civilization presents once the world of the cold war is over. While it is true that cultural differences have always been there, the exhaustion of the bipolar scheme generated many civilizations and central states of the same, emerge with greater strength and sense of geopolitical territoriality.

This is the case of Russia, only with attachment to its cultural identity and nationalism has managed to be reborn after almost collapsing with the end of the USSR. Russia has a global role that competes with the United States and the West in particular, its recovery has defeated the image of a poor, authoritarian and weak country. At the turn of the 21st century, Russia rejected Westernization and returned to the path of its own identity. The stage has followed, partially, the picture that appeared Huntington. Russia can not be omitted from international politics in Eastern Europe, Asia and the Middle East. It can not be said that he has regained the power that the USSR had; but it is not a minor actor in current geopolitics either. Its foreign policy coincides more and more with its national interest and is prepared militarily and professionally.

The recent leadership of Russia, China and India have robbed the United States of importance in global control. However, they do not seek the total armed conflict and, much less, the conquest of the world. The multipolar equilibrium generates a cold war where more actors intervene that, certainly, adopt the cautious and latent patterns of contention. Armed conflicts are represented in areas where diplomacy is concluded and the interests of the powers determine the use of force.

Modernizing globalization is no longer the heritage of Western culture. The West is in crisis for a blind neoliberalism represented in the Culture of Davos and the cultural metastasis that generates its consumerism. The abandonment of the United States to Mexico implies the opportunity for identity recovery and social reengineering. The Mexican neoliberals, the extreme right and the national bourgeoisie are condemned by the old capitalist superpower; they are ineffective, corrupt, murderous, retrograde and cretinous.

Should Mexico continue under the tutelage of the Holy See and projects such as the Intermarium? Should Mexico fear Russia? Of course not.

A large part of the macro-projects and strategic policies that our country has lost, owe their failure to the belief that you can only work with the allies of Catholic Christendom. There are the results: impunity, corruption, poverty and underdevelopment. Russia, and the world, are opportunities that globalization and modernity offer to our environment. It is a pity that El Yunque continues believing that Mexicans are programmed in code "Canoa 1968". The neoliberal Hispanic Catholic oligarchy can no longer hide its parasitism, the attacks on Russia are proof of its lamentable intellectual and moral capacity: the Americans no longer want them or of servitude. The closure of the North American president to our country, must be the impulse to look for new allies, technologies, infrastructure, markets, exchanges; in short, the world.

Mexico must fear the consecration of the Anvil that the Holy See promotes in the PRIANRD and, unfortunately, also in MORENA.