Elon Musk and the Breakdown of the American Two-Party System

 Elon Musk and the Breakdown of the American Two-Party System

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

It is undeniable that the political history of the United States has been characterized by the two-party hegemony of Republicans and Democrats. However, the possibility of a significant break looms on the horizon, driven by atypical figures such as the techno-feudal entrepreneur Elon Musk. Just as Ross Perot once did, Musk could seriously challenge this established dominance, opening a new chapter in American political dynamics and becoming a third rather than a leading actor in the United States.

The United States political system, although one of the oldest and most democratic in the world, shows growing signs of disenchantment and a progressive loss of its appeal in the evolution of contemporary liberal culture. North America has managed to develop a functional presidential system, perhaps the only one of its kind, despite an electoral model that many consider unfair and plutocratic. For some scholars, this particular characteristic is precisely what has allowed for the complex mechanics of checks and balances, equilibrium, and equilibrium, a uniqueness rarely observed in other forms of presidential government outside of their territory. In contrast, for example, the Latin American reality offers a mirror to the dysfunctionality of presidentialism. In this region, coexistence with multi-party systems often results in authoritarian schemes. Despite various electoral and political reforms, the proliferation of parties generates governmental paralysis that leads to inefficiency and, unfortunately, to recurrent authoritarian attempts. Therefore, the indirect, aristocratic, and savagely liberal system of the United States only allows the survival of two partisan institutions, although there is an enormous associative, philanthropic, participatory, union, and militant tradition in North America.

Therefore, the potential emergence of a third party in the United States takes on particular relevance. A party that seriously competes for power would not only revitalize the political sphere but could also return greater sovereignty to civil society. Ross Perot's precedent was extraordinary, emerging at a time of notable participatory crisis in the country. Today, the relevance of a similar movement is accentuated by the excessive polarization that permeates the political environment, a context that could benefit the "Party of America" ​​initiative that Elon Musk seeks to build.

The visionary owner of Tesla, SpaceX, and other powerful industries possesses not only the financial resources, but also the technological and media resources, to develop substantial competitiveness and reach a broad audience. His vast technological empire has the potential to contribute significantly to the well-being of American society, even to the point of conceiving futuristic projects such as Elyseum, Tecnato, Modelo Downsizing, or Project Venus. Musk, with his disruptive approach, could spell the apocalypse of conventional politics, understood as a purely instinctive activity, by introducing artificial intelligence and post-technocracy as a fundamental pillar of governance and decision-making.

This South African-American entrepreneur will undoubtedly put forward a series of innovative proposals with which a large portion of the American population could identify. The technological populism embodied by Musk represents a considerable challenge for the

Democratic and Republican parties, which seem to have run out of answers in the face of China's rapid evolution and the growing global disenchantment with liberal democracy. Will the traditional American parties be up to the task of this new political era? Musk could be the Robert Redford of the film United States of Amnesia.

Civilizational Conflicts and a Parenthesis for Mexico

 Civilizational Conflicts and a Parenthesis for Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The situation in the Middle East has created an unexpected scenario for Mexico, allowing it to safeguard the country from conflict with Donald Trump. The conflicts in the Middle East reveal that the United States' problem is not Mexico, but the lack of war. The conflicts with Mexico are important, but less profitable than the conflicts with Arab countries. This suggests that US foreign policy is driven by strategic and economic interests. The tragedy of war saves Mexico from being Trump's center of attention.

In this context, Mexico faces an important challenge: to take advantage of this pause to organize its internal problems and strengthen its economy, while maintaining a prudent and strategic foreign policy. History has shown that Mexico can benefit from complex situations, but it also faces significant risks if not managed properly.

Despite the risk of nuclear energy in conflicts, the attacks on Iran immediately led to a rise in oil prices, a condition that offers the Mexican government resources to address its problems. The Mexican automotive industry remains ambivalent regarding the energy transformation. However, the question arises as to whether the government's current capacity to seize this opportunity and address some of its challenges. The Mexican opposition is reduced to hoping that Trump will once again consider the indirect benefits of the US productive apparatus for the Mexican informal economy; meanwhile, Morena is satisfied with Trump's new commitment to supporting the war in the Middle East.

The current situation raises questions about the future of Mexico-US relations and how Mexico can seize this opportunity to boost its economic and political development. The answer will depend on the Mexican government's ability to partner with the United States in a more open and direct manner. As in the case of Vicente Fox, external circumstances suggest that the problem is not yet solved.

The attention of the American electorate is now focused on problems with the Arab world, which could benefit the Democratic Party and supporters of progressive protest groups.

Municipal Government and the Drug War

 Municipal Government and the Drug War

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The municipality is becoming a crime zone or authoritarian enclave that represents enormous governance problems for the Mexican State. During Felipe Calderón Hinojosa's administration, crime rates in the municipalities were high; now, the degree of cartel penetration in local governments is excessive; it can be said that city councils represent the petty cash of the groups generating violence.

What is happening with the municipal government even represents an added variable for the phenomenon of caciques. The caciques used violence and crime to impose their power; now, the situation in several municipalities simply presents alternative governments led by organized crime.

Hence the contradiction between the mayor of Uruapan, Michoacán, and the presidency of the republic in Mexico. The federal government lacks the sensitivity to understand the magnitude of the violence and pressure of the problems generated by drug trafficking. Once again, the situation in Michoacán during the Calderón administration serves as evidence of local problems and the way they have grown. Michoacán is one of the states hardest hit by drug trafficking violence.

How can extreme violence be reduced at the regional level? If the security policy of the previous administration has proven counterproductive, it is important to stop minimizing regional problems and propose new forms of public policy. Michoacán has had significant problems stemming from drug trafficking; the governments of Felipe Calderón and Enrique Peña Nieto ultimately exacerbated the situation of insecurity. Morena has also failed to find a consistent way to protect society. The Bajío region of the country is one of the most violent areas in the republic.

Mexico's mayors, for the most part, are helpless in the face of drug trafficking, and governability, as well as the rule of law, are disappearing in the face of the power of drug trafficking militias and organized crime. The good ideas regarding security intelligence and institutional protection at the local level that were developed to amend constitutional articles 11, 21, and 115 remain a dead letter if the federal government fails to act. How many Teuchitlanes or Igualas will Mexico endure? Narco-governance cannot be sanctioned or judged if the abandonment of the established federal government is the recurring method of responding to the local government's calls.

The local government is abandoned and faces drug violence without any recourse other than civil courage.

Zedillo: The Technicians and Specialists Speak Out

 Zedillo: The Technicians and Specialists Speak Out

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

According to Miguel Basáñez, the public sector in our country is made up of three significant groups: politicians, technicians, and specialists. Recently, given the decomposition of the Mexican State and the threats of invasion from the Yankees, it can be said—with complete certainty—that we have an unhealthy political class. The generation of Juárez liberals faced foreign invasion due to insufficient payments on the foreign debt and geopolitical reasons; now, Mexico is on the verge of being taken over by corrupt, corrupt, and criminal thugs. One reason for the current state of affairs is that the technical and specialized sectors of the government have been tied up, blocked, and silenced in the name of absolute loyalty to abject ignorance.

Political hegemocracy, as Basáñez defines it, did not begin entirely with Morena. The balance of power has benefited politicians since the Vicente Fox administration and has reached total dominance during the Fourth Transformation. Lopez Obrador's administration pledged to rebuild the Mexican state through one of the most effective expert sectors: the Army; but something went wrong along the way. The traditional patrimonialism and pragmatism of Mexican job creation prevailed in the political landscape. The macro-networks of bosses, corporatism, and clientelism boosted Morena's electoral strength, and now there's no turning back. Paying bills and political favors blocks economic growth and development.

Zedillo has raised the debate on the country's economic projects in the public sphere. Even from an extreme Machiavellian position, the results are what they are, and the reality facing the Sheinbaum administration and the progressive populist national revolutionary project cannot be called a success. If Zedillo were wrong in his remarks, Claudia Sheinbaum's letter to Morena would not have been sent, much less would it have triggered the moral code for the Morena politician. Why insist on the good conduct of the Morena politician if the 4T is pure, untainted, and God-fearing? The dominance of Morena politicians is affecting the Mexican state, as many make immorality their main virtue; especially the defectors, whose political entrepreneurship becomes savage, barbaric, and overwhelming.

Beyond neoliberalism, technical skills and specialists must balance willful and pragmatic political action. Mexican empiricism has brought us to the brink of chaos, and it is necessary to recognize that technology has no ideology nor does it belong to the domain of a class or caste. Mexico's capacity to govern is on the brink of ineffectiveness. The government must engage the appropriate technicians and specialists to restore the lost consistency between the formulation and results of public policies.

Mobilizing National Populism in Latin America

 Mobilizing National Populism in Latin America

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

According to Menno Vellinga, the Latin American state had one of its most accurate projects for change and diagnoses when the letters of intent and the Washington Consensus established the economic, political, and social measures to carry out modernization and institutionalization processes. However, the technocratic vision was disrupted by a political class that sabotaged the processes of change and decided to regain patrimonialist inertia. Like Guillermo O'Donnell, he pointed out that the best model for Latin America was represented by Technocratic-Military Bureaucracy linked to Delegative Democracies, a weak situation for the consolidation of democracy in Latin America and economic growth; however, it was a starting point of no return for the establishment of a state from a Weberian and Constitutionalist perspective. It is true that this implied open-heart surgery without anesthesia; However, this is the prescription for a social order where the State does not have hegemony but rather relative autonomy from various groups and de facto powers.

However, for Vellinga, as well as for the Argentine scholar, historical inertia and cultural variables are stronger than state capacity, and therefore, Weak, Failed, or Facade States controlled by strong, motley, multi-cultural, authoritarian societies characteristic of the Habsburg Model prevail. The fact is that clientelist, populist, and social movement phenomena pose situations of ungovernability for the State, which ends up being held hostage by the bourgeoisie, oligarchies, or the ruling elites of social movements.

What is not fully understood in Latin America is that for the emergence of the State, it is essential to end the Habsburg Model as a social order. This configuration was a clientelist and corporatist arrangement developed since the colonial era with the preeminence of the Catholic Church, but it implies vulnerability to the processes of globalization and geopolitical competition, such as what is currently being experienced.

Under progressive governments, the state's presence is also not consolidated; activist and militant bureaucracy reveals the extreme weakness of the institutional order. The left in government promotes social mobilization as a spontaneous input for public policies, even though this means naively betting on an imaginary effective capacity. Social mobilization will not stop Donald Trump or the economic agenda imposed by the White House on our country.

The North American relationship with Mexico has taken a roller coaster course that demands a functioning state in our country. The lack of cohesion within Morena and, above all, respect for the directives of the Presidency of the Republic will end up undermining governability in the country and inciting Trumpism to develop more interventionist actions. The enormous gap between the activism of Morena officials and their concrete results demonstrates how important it is to take the task of governing seriously.

Mexico's Need for North America

 Mexico's Need for North America

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The question regarding the form of US military intervention in Mexico depends only on time; everything seems to indicate that the geopolitical circumstances of the United States and the constant Mexican chaos will turn the Trumpist threat into concrete facts. Mexico's revolutionary nationalism and the second tier of the Fourth Transformation find themselves at a historical moment where the presence of the United States is more than necessary in the face of national vulnerability in the hurricane of changing international relations and the advance of criminality in the country, which constantly surpasses governability in various entities and the capacity for order at different levels of the State. The situation has reached such a point that there is no longer any form of respect or fear for the police or national security forces; governability simply vanishes. A social sentiment has begun to develop regarding the positive effects of US armed intervention, and once the process is carried out, perhaps the authorities will also decide to integrate their functions into the North American condition. The climax of Mexican nationalism has only served to confront the gravitational reality of the Mexican-American dynamic.

President Sheinbaum's ability to govern can only be strengthened by explicit material, military, and economic support from North America. Perhaps the Fourth Transformation is experiencing a Thermidor similar to the Mexican Revolution, and the United States is required to impose the control that the president has been unable to achieve. The powers that be and political actors of the past are betting on a situation of confrontation with President Sheinbaum, which is incomprehensible in terms of political activism, but logical from the perspective of a fierce struggle for power.

President Claudia Sheinbaum faces—like all heads of the national executive branch—harassment from the political groups that formed part of her coalition and presume they have the right to seize their share of power. That condition is impossible at this time, but Mexican cliques accustomed to greed, infiltration, and cover-up are unable to understand the risks facing the country in the face of global changes. The main reasons for Claudia Sheinbaum's conflicts are friendly fire, figures like Ricardo Monreal, Adán Augusto, and Lopezobradorism. Even the governors and local politicians loyal to these tendencies display a voracious particularism and ultra-factionalism that makes it impossible to distinguish who the allies supporting the president are. Morena is dynamiting Morena and the country in the mad race to protect shreds of power, caciques, clienteles, and corporations.

The Mexican political class has become a coven, but its ability to negotiate with authoritarian enclaves and invisible powers is complicated for Mexico. The Morena governors, in particular, are a strange mix of feudalism and satrapy, vying to surpass the previous PRIANRD governors in malice.

Mexican politics is determined by force. The Sonora Group, for example, had to impose itself with enormous violence against both insiders and outsiders; Not even General Porfirio Díaz contrasted his comrades in such a way; he simply assigned them the opposition of time, and during the PRI-TO regime, the United States was always the executioner and arbiter. The PRI culture inherited by Mexico is none other than that of Mars, and only the president of Mexico seems unaware of this. Has Donald Trump understood this? I hope so; otherwise, Mexico will become the Michoacanazo or Culiacanazo of Yankee imperialism.

The Meaning of the State in México

 The Meaning of ​​the State in Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

David Miller explains that Latin American states have attempted to shape themselves around the demands of North American imperialism, perhaps for this reason there are so many contradictions in the models they have tested. However, as is often the case with other perspectives of imitation, copycats try to be more representative than the original phenomenon; the imitator may end up being better than the original or generating a bizarre reality. This is how the process of neoliberalism has unfolded. Suddenly, among the various Mexican neoliberal analysts, there are enormous gaps between the arguments of those who speak of the need for a strong state to protect the market—internal or external—a state capable of fighting monopolies and crime, collecting taxes, and generating public order; however, others speak of a minimal state that advocates deregulation, decentralization, and allows the mercantile energies of the invisible hand to flow; the latter are part of anarchist libertarianism.

What is the ideal proportion? Everything depends, primarily, on the context. One of the errors that has underpinned the evolution of political and economic liberalism in our country emerges from the absence of liberal currents in the debate. Liberalism has become dogmatized by factional political interests, and each elite proposes the state model that suits its interests. Liberalism is a school of civilization and democracy that is denied in Latin America, where the Habsburg Model is imposed on democracy and capitalism—even on socialism.

Ideological and political impostures lead to the structuring of a transformist muégano that makes any kind of evolution and social change impossible. Rulers dream of governing, but in reality, the state barely survives the invisible power and barbaric strength of society.

The historical rupture in Latin America and the transformation of the feudal economic, political, and, above all, social structures are fundamental. The foolish republics must put their constitutions into practice and defeat the powers that deny their hegemony. Without this quantum historical leap, there will be no modernity or economic model to discuss. It's better to give the president a cassock and ensure the right of blood. The United States has found it useful to take advantage of institutional weakness in Latin America; however, in the face of the trade war with China and the geopolitical evolution of organized crime, solid states can prove to be more efficient allies and build stable policies. Given the current situation, Trump is increasingly resembling Morena and Hidalgo.

Sheinbaum and the Mickey Mouse Ears

 Sheinbaum and the Mickey Mouse Ears

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Perhaps it is due to the pressure exerted by the United States, given the risk of an economic crisis of historic proportions due to exclusion from the North American dynamic. However, President Claudia Sheinbaum is beginning to establish a decision-making process that distances herself from her predecessor. It is true that Yankee demands regarding national security may violate the powers that be in Mexico; however, the trade balance weighs more heavily, and above all, interaction with the United States. Therefore, the Mexican government must abide by Donald Trump's dictates.

The idea of ​​North America, as Robert Pastor and Alain Rouquie pointed out, is a fatal destiny for Mexico. It is impossible to pursue a radical separation after long decades in which government and society in our country conceded productive structures, markets, and labor. It is complicated to reverse the processes of an integration that, due to its influence, is more than a constant; the Mexican-American relationship is an everyday phenomenon.

Mexico's relationship with the United States is more than a symbiosis. Sheinbaum's government has discovered that it is impossible to begin building an internal market and national industrialization under the current circumstances. The most important thing now is to maintain the relationship with North America and develop the order required by Yankee imperialism.

Sheinbaum is beginning to see support from the PRI (Private Institutional Revolutionary Party), the United States, business groups, and the Armed Forces, in addition to numerous Morena-led tendencies. The PRIMOR (National Revolutionary Party) brings Sheinbaum closer to the governability implemented by Enrique Peña Nieto. Hopefully, she will gain control of local powers to prevent a moral crisis that would encourage a highly competitive succession.

State governments and authoritarian enclaves have failed to understand the importance of the United States' formal and informal economy for Mexico. Little by little, the establishment of a collaborative game between Sheinbaum and Trump succeeds in safeguarding the second level of the fourth transformation in the techno-feudal process that the globalist US oligarchy is developing as an empire.

The contradictory governance that the Mexican political system develops through its intermediaries leaves no one satisfied; it always has been that way. It is impossible for the party in power to satisfy the needs of its electorate without considering the interests of the North American economic, political, and social power circles. AMLO survived in his own way, and Sheinbaum is beginning to build her own naval route. Hopefully, she will have enough time and the winds will favor her for the good of the republic.

The ability to govern in Mexico

 The ability to govern in Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Marcelo Ebrard's visit to the United States to lobby for the negative situation that Donald Trump has raised about Mexico, is evidence not only of the limited governability of our country but also of the constant decrease in communicating vessels between the North American and Mexican governments. The government of our country has historically only served to generate intermediations that, in general, are temporary arrangements to appease problems. Samuel Schmidt calls it "Planned Ineffectiveness," telling everyone yes; but never when. Schmidt coordinated, at the end of the last century, one of the original works on the concept of governability. The texts collected in this work, fundamentally the work of Yehezkel Dror, raise the need for ethical political leadership and a project for the future; Indeed, without community goals and objectives, the country is adrift, it is a ship that is driven according to the whims of the powers that be and, as the protagonist of the Tin Drum, it is a sign of emotional immaturity, a State that does not want to grow (Ikram Antaki).

Can the Mexican government still maintain the “quinceañera syndrome”? Probably not. The political situation in Mexico has been demanding definitions for some time and the scenario that Donald Trump poses is more than threatening. The threat of Trumpism is radical against Mexico, we are all enemies of Trumpism and the consideration of terrorism implies a complete denial of Mexican society. It is true that the current times of the “Sugar Daddy” profile can lead to considering that Trumpism is full of old fools and easily manipulated; however, this is not entirely true, at least not for Mexico. If Donald Trump does not prevail against Mexico, it will be evident that the United States does not win wars, not even cultural ones, the American defeat in Mexico will be worse than Vietnam, Afghanistan or Iraq. This time, the risk of failing in the operation against Mexicanness will not only be an unfulfilled promise for the Republican electorate but also a sign of decline in the face of the world; even the failure of the United States to impose governability in Mexico will be a sign of an emotional codependency similar to drug addiction. That is, the United States only wants Mexico as a piñata to ward off its traumas. Mexico has been constantly disapproved of by North America, there have been hundreds of studies that show the Mexican impossibility of American assimilation; therefore, the reason for remaining attached without a radical American intervention is complicated by so many problems that the neighborhood generates.

Claudia Sheinbaum's government can take the support of the United States to establish the minimum levels of governability and call for a national pact that underpins a new social and political leadership. Manuel Camacho Solís proposed national agreements since the terrible 1994 to inhibit governability directed from North America; It is therefore urgent to depolarize the country and call for a national project before the United States decides to turn Mexico into its Latin American Ukraine.

MORENA/PRIANRD: No escape from the black circle

 MORENA/PRIANRD: No escape from the black circle

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although the specter of governability begins to be represented as a threat to the Fourth Transformation, over time it can be seen that the anomias and pathologies that the country accumulates have been determined by the United States of America. Since the fateful years of López Mateos, social issues and national stability have been complicated, with the passing of the six-year terms, the border of chaos has been reached. It is impossible for the current six-year term to effectively slow down a process that has been accumulating for decades; but it cannot be said that he has not done anything.

If Mexico falls, the Yankee empire too. This is a truism that is evident in the Pentagon, the CIA, the DEA and other agencies that oversee US power. The point is that the Mexican political class also knows it and, for better or for worse, they have jointly decided that the country, the Mexican Republic, should be established as the backyard of the North Americans. It is true that Mexico is dangerously close to the condition of a failed state thanks to neoliberalism, but it is that it is convenient for imperialism; Have we forgotten who canceled the possibility of having a Japan below the Rio Grande? How many million tons of drugs does the US need to be in harmony? The economic superpower has all the technology at its disposal, but why does it need fifty million Mexican “wet slaves” for its fertile economy, plus those who crossed today?

America is not going to change; no matter how much the neoliberal and conservative right refer to themselves, to their style of governing, as more Swedish, Dutch, Spanish; In the end, they end up the same as always, paying the flat fee to the global super cop for running the club and nothing more.

Manuel Camacho Solís, Antonio Velasco Piña and Pablo González Casanova have a singular coincidence: political power and governability in Mexico reside in the military, in no one else. What is the difference between an authoritarian nationalist regime (populism/pricomunist Guadalupano) and another technocratic-bureaucratic-military regime (neoliberalism)? The victim is society. Perhaps the government of the 4T has done something for the most needy in the country; however, neoliberals only want a welfare state for the rich. In general, the country is at the disposal of the United States; the administrators are changed, but the armed forces take care of the establishment. Even a civil war in Mexico is bearable for North America, but the invasion of the United States towards our country would constitute a defeat like Vietnam; the guerrilla war would be inexhaustible for the American Union, as well as the constant migration of temporary groups.

Mexico, in contemporary times, has always lived on the brink of chaos, no matter how ungovernable the Lopezobrador government is blamed, the neoliberals did not have the country any better and things will never improve.

When we focus on Mexican ungovernability, one wonders who manages it best for the US. No matter how ungovernable you want to manifest in Mexico, it goes as far as North America supports. Even if the extreme right longs for it with all its humanist soul, Mexico will not reach the levels of Peru, where the criollos can go around killing indigenous people left and right. Ungovernability in Mexico can reach the levels of the Mexican Revolution or the Cristero War; something else would mean a guerrilla war that could infect the southern United States and could trigger an American civil war, a flank for the real enemies of the United States: Islam, Russia or China, even Europe.

Has the Guadalupan pri communism of the 4T for the US ceased to be useful? No. On the contrary. Given the balances of ungovernability, authoritarian nationalism is better than military bureaucratic technocracy; unless the United States wants to make Mexico a real hell worse than Ukraine. Can the PRIANRD bring us to the level of the Ukraine? Yes, and they are capable of worse. Denmark or Sweden represent the sick beliefs of the aspirationists, it is not a utopia but a madness; they point to the populists as crazy, but to make the Anti-liberal Spains liberal is true marijuana.

Mexico is Mexico, and as long as you have the United States as your neighbor, you will always be far from God. Even if the PRIANRD triumphs in the next elections of 2024, the Mexican Army is the only link in Mexican governance, the neoliberals will continue to militarize the country, as much or more as AMLO has done. And, like good hypocrites, they are going to shed more blood as they did in Calderonism.

Anarchy is the limit for the absolute domination of the United States in Mexico. Meanwhile, only hell is the option of the false right and left.

The president and the chiefs

 The president and the chiefs

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

Every day in Mexico the gray zone gains influence, that is, the informal mechanisms that are imposed on the institutions to establish a hybrid of social control. The gray zone (Wil Pansters) is the intermediary offered by certain political actors and operators to solve problems where they are protagonists -cause and effect-; Although they solve little, they manage to stop the demands or, at least, darken the environment to confuse everything. This is how governance has been during the neoliberal era and the democratization that began in the nineties of the last century.

The Mexican State has made use of this gray area to address the problems of drug trafficking, social movements and neo-extractivism, the problem is that the State loses more and more. The federal government has capitulated many spaces and is unable, even, to manage its own engineering.

This situation is representative, says for example Moisés Naim, of the change with respect to the paradigm of power. However, the situation represents the actors of all times: locals versus foreigners, nationalists versus globalists. Depending on the country, the correlation between the elements changes, although in recent times it seems that nations are in permanent defeat.

In the Mexican case, the caciques are representatives of that strange power that is alien to the institutionality. Attached to the motherland, or distant homelands, these characters always question the State and manipulate it, they are advantageous in their particular or local interests and do not contribute to the well-being of the country. They lie when they say that they control the gray area, but their presence in it is real.

Upon the triumph of Vicente Fox, Lorenzo Meyer developed a reflection on the measurement of strength between the Executive and the factual powers of the country. The political scientist warned of the need for control over these actors and the ways in which they manipulated the public administration and the states. Meyer was right, Fox could not control the powers that be and opted for a discreet mutation with them. The country has paid the cost.

In each society, those with the greatest local membership and those from the neighborhood are always going to confront each other. The conflict between globalists and nationalists now takes preponderance in the configuration of the world order.

The porfiriato and priato constituted models of caciquil collaborative factionalism where agreements were respected and common projects were formulated. When cohesion and cooperation waned, the national chief had to exercise intelligent violence to reestablish control. Only in this way was governance established every six years and it became necessary to renew it.

As the transition progressed, the governors and other caciques began to break order. Roberto Madrazo Pintado was perhaps the first governor who confronted the central power and emerged victorious. Henceforth, governance became a disaster and not even with the army collaborative factionalism has been reestablished. Upon the arrival of Ali Baba and his 32 thieves (Andrew Paxman), there was fraud, but no governance.

The transition returned to Mexico at the beginning of the 20th century, it was already happening and, therefore, Carlos Salinas de Gortari ruled like Generals Cárdenas y Calles, and he could not subdue them, he almost ended up ruling as if he had been Carranza.

The iron control of the regional powers is fundamental for the presidential project. Now the governors, mayors and groups allied to them, promote ungovernability and contempt. There can be no better scenario for imperialism that takes advantage of any internal division.

The white, brown, university, religious, rural, urban chiefs, workers, peasants, students, feminists, street workers, etc .; they are being damaged by the attack on corruption. They react because they have never respected the State, they have agreed with it to remain advantageous operators and intermediaries.

The president still has a large base of support, but he has to lead the strikes like Cárdenas did. AMLO, in the course of his project, has forgotten to generate governance and his allies act as enemies not only because of the inconsistency with the 4T but because of the same particular interests that are being formed. The idea that the president is insufficient to generate governance is well known; the party has always been necessary as an extension, binomial and appendix. Lopez Obradorism turns into a church without faithful, before the end of the six-year term! Believers exist because the miracles are many, especially in the pandemic, but without a party the Messiah will end up crucified.

Unkept promises

Unkept promises
December 21, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/12/21/Promesas-Incumplidas?fbclid=IwAR2i6d5ct10xYsLw_jW0gly2jTKJ6B5tpKkkm6WtgPct_GLM4CtfEx4k_RA

The political concertacesiones evidence the limits of the fourth transformation. There is a comparison between Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Francisco I. Madero that may have a similar result: the conviction regarding a moral leadership as a sufficient element to change Mexico. There is no doubt that both characters have made the deepest and most honest diagnoses in relation to the national situation; However, as Catherine Mansell points out, they reflect a noble spirit that refuses to assert itself in the matter.

The people abandoned Francisco I. Madero when he entered the labyrinth of political indecision. Sometimes it is thought that Madero was the apostle of democracy that Mexico did not understand. It is difficult to believe that in the days of the Tragic Tenth no contingent came to his aid. Other occasions, one comes to consider that Madero was an enlightened one whose immolation would awaken the true national spirit; However, the martyrdom of the caudillo ended up causing enormous suffering. Will the revolutionary Quijote project ever be understood? Society moved away when the Maderismo sought its benefit and the licensing of the real agents of social transformation. That is why General Emiliano Zapata pronounced the Plan of Ayala and his metaphysical odyssey will ride the first year of this six-year term.

The utopia of a just, legal, democratic and peaceful Mexico has found a wall in the ambivalent mode of some distinguished members of MORENA who corral the main changes in the configuration of the new regime. Emilio Olivier Fernandez affirmed that Mexican politics only knows how to conjugate a verb: early morning. And that is what they are doing to the fourth transformation.

MORENA comes to power with the structural weakness of change without rupture. The Maderismo could not govern and generated a revolution that took everything: the good and the bad. It took the Official Party more than thirty years to consolidate to "blood and fire" the discipline of a Revolutionary Family as well as institutions. The collaborative factionalism was not democratic, but it established a governability and control that, nevertheless, generated a healthy partisan behavior to the political system; at least, even before the neoliberal arrival.

The divisions, leadership, conflicts and opportunism within MORENA will result in situations such as those of the Judiciary, the Senate and local governments. The fourth transformation faces disciplined, institutionalized organizations, consolidated in a series of prejudices and habits that are forming a serious opposition willing to conquer the legislative power, the states and the presidency of the republic; before the end of the sexennium. MORENA is limited to MORENA, in the membership of the movement there are many contradictions -properties of the left-; but, also, derived from opportunism and internal betrayals more than the charismatic leader, the people who supported the fourth transformation. At this rate, society will be in the worst orphanage and the state of violence will be permanent.

AMLO's eschatology begins to crash into reality. The pricomunistas, political turncoats, reborn and organic intellectuals who affirmed themselves as the militia of the national regeneration, are preferring the nicodemicas relations with the powers that be. The high expectations that led to a certain political option implied a break and; Paradoxically, the Morenoites are selecting the opposite.

In the first weeks of the new government, distinguished members of Morena have shown the worst mood of conspiracy and pragmatism, they forget the cost of disappointments and betrayals. Neither utopian nor pragmatic, Mexico needs a capable, strong, competent, nationalist and coherent government. Without results, without partisan discipline, without true loyalty to the People, the lopezobradorismo will become a Church without believers and the country now will be on the cliff. Governance requires decisions, a thermidor that shapes a new Mexico and removes the pathologies that overwhelm our society.

MARTHA TRUMP

Martha Trump

September 2, 2018

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/09/02/Martha-Trump

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The way in which digital messages ex-candidate PAN Martha Ericka Alonso has been unfortunate. The permanent form of aggression and evasion that contain their ideas, shows an authoritarian and classist personality. Beyond marketing, its way of dealing with sensitive issues in the region has little tact and humanity. It is obvious that he intends a style similar to that of the American president.

The lynching in Puebla, over the last few years, is the direct responsibility of the Morenovallismo. The neoavilacamachista clique that agreed with the ultra-right of Puebla the alternation in 2010, has been dedicated to dismantling and destroying the political institutions and municipalities of the entity. Gentrification, plundering, dispossession, fraud, extortion, neoextractivism and looting, have been the guidelines of the PAN governments in Puebla and, therefore, the morenovallismo far surpassed the marinismo.

In 2003, when Vicente Fox promoted the recognition of Mexican emigrants in the United States of America, the town of San Vicente Boquerón was placed as a model of self-government and solidarity thanks to its emigrants. The Club "Grupo Unión" (Esquivel, 2003) has promoted all the things that governments -in their three levels- have forgotten and failed to do. The natives of this community that moved to North America have subsidized drains, ambulances, schools, musical bands, patron saints, hospitals, collective transport, road infrastructure, etc. There are the works of some serious migrantologists (Gustavo López Ángel and Liliana Rivera) who can account for the enormous social capital that has developed in this community and in other localities, auxiliary boards, ranches and colonies that only have migrants to survive . Other studies were even designed, from there, to structure the 3x1 federal policy. Later, Foxism itself tried to hurt this community through a neoextractivist project of which they defended themselves heroically and ended up, finally, abandoning them. And, still, the aristocratic panismo dares to say that the City Council of Acatlán de Osorio is surpassed? In the Mixteca Poblana there is no government, it is a huge Comala where the Morenovallismo agreed with Pedro Páramo.

Ignorance of state government and panism is unbearable because it is not ignorance; It is cynicism. The issue of the approval of municipal public accounts by the local legislature delineates this point. A former PAN municipal president who dragged administrative processes of financial responsibility a little over a decade ago, was visited to conculcarlo to propose a party in his town party to fragment the vote and support Martha Ericka, to do so, they guaranteed the approval of their accounts public ... .., and they complied. One case, more than regrettable, is another Mixteco president who could not verify - because it does not exist - a sports unit for several million pesos that was managed by the Ministry of Finance. The same process The same procedure.

Who is responsible then?

It is not worth criminalizing these communities because they are poor, because they are migrant communities that have been abandoned historically. Does Martha Ericka remember the treatment she gave to the migrants who rebuked her on the issue of 43 of Ayotzinapa? If the public resources were distributed equitably, if the administrative circuits and the head offices were taken into account, they would be more equal with the other communities of the municipality. If the government were managed with less patrimonialism. There is no doubt, the reality would be different.

Lynchings in Puebla have become widespread in urban and rural areas. They are evidence of government neglect and corruption. Whichever way you look at it, the Morenovallismo impoverished and violated the whole society to promote its modernizing megaprojects. The "development" of Puebla is the facade to promote a political ambition at whatever cost. And the situation in Puebla will worsen now that the national ultra-right wants to take shelter under the command of its new glorious general.

It is annoying, too, the silence of academics and researchers who know these regions of the Mixteca Poblana. We have received water, food, shelter, support and valuable information to develop research that nobody reads, but that serve for academic tourism and financing. The least that can be said is that the criminalization of San Vicente Boquerón is unfair and takes a turn to divert the criticism of those who are truly responsible. The individuals who visited the area after the tremors of September 2017 were able to verify the absolute orphanhood in which these towns are located. It is not justifiable that extreme deprivation provokes lynchings; but, the abandonment and governmental manipulation of panism, in these years, is unbearable.

Lynchings occur in contexts where deprivation and government neglect. What part of Puebla is not like that? The indicators of the IDD in all the PAN governments for our entity, equated the state with Michoacán and Guerrero. It was only a matter of time before conflicts arose. Puebla is one of the main expellers of migrants to North America, now, it is also one of the main affected by the immigration policy of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. What has the state government done? Frauds, only fraud.

The treatment of the migrant community of San Vicente Boquerón is not responsible. Hell has a name and surname. The money spent in local and national media to show the villagers, should be used to reduce poverty. Discrimination against these people; however, it is not exclusive only to politicians like Martha Ericka. It is also worth noting the conflict between Ricardo Monreal and Andrés Bermudez Viramontes-the King of Tomato-in Zacatecas. According to the researcher Miguel Moctezuma, the successful migrant insisted that, only when they were ill with cancer, would the evil of the members of the Mexican political class decrease. Bermudez is dead and Zacatecas, like Puebla, keeps going bad.

Mexican migrants must learn from Cuban migrants in North America. Just as the latter ask the US government to demand significant democratic changes in the Cuban regime to lessen the pressure of the inhuman economic blockade, then, Mexican emigrants should press to be taken into account by the United States, for example, to negotiate the Free Trade Agreement. and demand greater reciprocity from Mexican politicians in the communities of origin such as San Vicente Boquerón. Mexico has been unfair to its emigrants in the United States; but Puebla, it has been the worst. The fight against discrimination must be there and here. The tweet of Martha Ericka and the ideas of the morenovallismo on the popular groups and the migrant communities must be a warning on the reasons to avoid that it assume some public function.

In Puebla there is a perverse strategy of government terrorism to criminalize poverty and justify hard-line government. If the morenovallismo survives and seizes the PAN, this diazordacista mentality will be transformed into the rhetoric of the new right. This can not continue if the country wants a Fourth Transformation.

Migrants in struggle. J. Jesus Esquivel. Magazine Process N. 1400. August 31, 2003. Page 28-30

La muerte del sur: desastre de México

La muerte del sur: desastre de México

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

El sismo múltiple que ocurrió en septiembre del presente año; sin duda, es preámbulo de un cambio mayor en el futuro del país. En 1985, una de las consecuencias inmediatas fue la aceleración del modelo neoliberal que, bajo el disfraz de la modernización, impulso el desmantelamiento del Estado Mexicano. El impacto de la tragedia profundizó el desarrollo de un modelo económico que sólo benefició a la oligarquía mexicana.

La afectación –afortunadamente- no es tan grave como en aquella época; sin embargo, el daño material en el sur de México permite columbrar que la destrucción del patrimonio histórico está dando paso a una fisonomía capitalista de reconstrucción tal y como ocurrió con el Plan Marshall en la Europa de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. El daño material es utilizado como excusa para impulsar las unidades económicas neoliberales.

¿Qué tan grave es esta situación? El efecto del terremoto, más allá del perjuicio y la tragedia humana, es abrir el espacio para modernizar y asentar las reformas estructurales del presente sexenio. El cataclismo no pudo venir en mejor momento para desplazar a la población, eliminar las estructuras productivas tradicionales y cambiar el paisaje.

El neoliberalismo salinista, primero que nada, provocó la emigración de millones de mexicanos que, desde Estados Unidos, dejaron el campo libre para el desarrollo de la nueva burguesía mexicana que alcanzaría influencia mundial. ¿Qué elemento existe ahora para detener una estrategia semejante en el sur del país? Ninguna. La naturaleza misma concedió Carta Blanca para modernizar aceleradamente esta región del país que, proverbialmente, había sido reacia a las modificaciones materialistas.

Las generaciones millenials tomaron el control de la tragedia y removieron los últimos vestigios del México mágico, viejo, rural, católico y provincial. Si los jóvenes con relojes digitales fueron el boom de aquella época finisecular, ahora fueron los adolescentes con teléfonos inteligentes quienes se volvieron el parámetro de las conductas.

La entropía provocó que el Sur lo perdiera casi todo; nada se puede hacer contra el tiempo. Es la evolución. Aunque esta sea una ruta directa hacia el naufragio.

El terremoto ha barrido con las pilastras de la tradición mexicana. En los próximos años, como en los sexenios del neoliberalismo, habrá emigraciones multitudinarias hacia el Norte que desarrollarán el Spanglish anhelado por Aurelio Nuño y detonarán el “Hispanic Challenge” que tanto irrita a los WASP como Donald Trump.

Si las réplicas continúan y la marcha de las cosas sigue concediendo verdad a los neoliberales; entonces, en nombre de la seguridad social y el negocio, habrá que derribar catedrales, pirámides, y campiñas; no sólo casas de adobe y capillas. En nombre del neoextractivismo económico y el dinamismo que la recuperación requiere, ni siquiera se ha concedido el tiempo para un duelo digno. La tradición, el recuerdo, la nostalgia y la naturaleza, se convierten en un estorbo perturbador del progreso.

Hay un México que se derrumbó en septiembre, es irrecuperable y se fue para siempre. Es la oportunidad del avance, se dice con la pasión sedienta de dólares. Incluso la derecha conservadora y ultracatólica cede a la modernidad neoextractivista.

Sin embargo, el hecho implica que el final objetivo –el cataclismo verdadero- cada vez está más cerca como lo apunta la ciencia ficción apocalíptica en los mass media. Y no pinta en el horizonte una bandera de contención posible. El frenesí trepidante de la economía es avasallador, se impone su mal gusto y cinismo por todas partes. 

¿Cuál es la revolución silenciosa que esta adversidad natural traerá consigo? Imposible de saber. Un aspecto positivo, no obstante, merece ser el aprecio por aquello que está a punto de marcharse definitivamente. No se puede pedir al tiempo que vuelva, sólo se vale dejar testimonio de las buenas épocas aunque no sirva de nada.