Showing posts with label partidos. Show all posts
Showing posts with label partidos. Show all posts

Wednesday, April 01, 2026

The Bonsai Parties

The Bonsai Parties

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero




Small parties have historically played a key role as intermediaries for diverse interests within the Mexican political system.


They have often been considered mercenary actors implementing strategies aimed at perpetuating the status quo.


Prominent examples include the Green Party of Mexico and the Labor Party: the former with a deeply questionable track record, while the latter illustrates the serious contradictions between social liberalism and Maoist ideologies.


Paradoxically, these actors represent part of the commitment to building democracy that drives the second phase of the Fourth Transformation.


In the complex Mexican political landscape, it is difficult to escape the veto power that small parties have acquired.


Their influence, though discreet, has become considerable.


During the years of the hegemonic party, they were mere satellites at the service of centralized presidentialism.


But in the neoliberal era, they acquired disproportionate power, becoming arbiters that facilitated the executive branch's ability to govern at a considerable cost.


The big question now is: what will their role and political price be in the face of challenges posed by phenomena such as imperialist Trumpism?


There is no doubt that these political forces have perfected a form of blackmail that could be harmful to society and even to the political systems of Mexico and its northern neighbor, the United States.


The virtual tie in the struggle for hegemony and the inability to reconcile the country's main socioeconomic currents reveal a serious problem of factionalism and a lack of political understanding.


It is crucial to find ways to overcome the gridlock represented by these empowered small parties.


One necessary alternative would be the implementation of a runoff election for the main public offices in Mexico.


While the phenomenon known as ephebocracy highlights one of the current ills of politics; However, it's easy to lose sight of the fact that "political dwarfism" is even more damaging, as it fuels private interests at the expense of the common good.


Both the Green Party and the Labor Party have demonstrated a remarkable ability to capitalize on their manipulative capacity, thus becoming decisive vehicles for shaping the country's public agenda.


This raises a troubling question: could these small parties be the force that, as General Porfirio Díaz feared, would ultimately weaken not only Mexico but also the United States? History teaches us that the greatest cataclysms often stem from a lack of attention to detail.


Perhaps, after all, the great transformation lies in the seemingly modest interests of those who see themselves as small-time reformers.

Thursday, September 07, 2017

Moreno Valle, perfil fuerte para el Frente Ciudadano



Moreno Valle, perfil fuerte para el Frente Ciudadano


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El ex gobernador maneja en su imagen la prosperidad, el desarrollo y la modernización que quieren las generaciones
Por Osvaldo Valencia 
Con la aprobación para la consolidación del Frente Ciudadano por México y el conflicto entre Ricardo Anaya Cortés y senadores del ala calderonista, lo mismo que con el PRI y la Presidencia de la República, uno de los perfiles que apunta como la opción más rentable para la contienda presidencial de 2018 es el ex gobernador Rafael Moreno Valle.
La ruptura que generó el presidente del partido al interior de Acción Nacional (PAN) y el déficit que le provocará a Margarita Zavala Gómez del Campo la guerra contra el narcotráfico emprendida por su esposo, el ex presidente Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, pueden ser los puntos que beneficien al ex mandatario poblano en la búsqueda por la candidatura hacia Los Pinos, consideró Diego Velázquez Caballero, politólogo de la BUAP.
En entrevista, el catedrático de Ciencias Políticas expresó que Moreno Valle logró posicionarse a través de una estrategia de mercadotecnia “más o menos exitosa” .
“Con una imagen de la prosperidad, el desarrollo y la modernización que ahora quieren las generaciones, se pinta como un candidato fuerte”, expresó.
De Margarita Zavala y coaliciones políticas
Sobre la ex primera dama, el politólogo apuntó que su imagen recibiría puntos negativos por los estragos del conflicto contra la delincuencia iniciado por Calderón Hinojosa.
Otro de los negativos que acumula Gómez del Campo es que representa al panismo tradicional, el cual “ha fracasado por sus propios errores” en el ámbito electoral.
Acerca de la coalición entre Acción Nacional, Movimiento Ciudadano y el Partido de la Revolución Democrática (PRD), Velázquez Caballero calificó como alianza Frankenstein por reunir a partidos con ideologías completamente contrarias.
Sin embargo, puntualizó que esta clase de estrategias son efectivas, ya que logran triunfos electorales.
“Me parece que el frente amplio que se acaba de construir es una alternativa para que Moreno Valle (…) tenga un proyecto viable ante Morena”, dijo.
Anaya Cortés usa tema de fiscal como cortina de humo
Sobre el enfrentamiento de Ricardo Anaya Cortés con senadores afines a Ernesto Cordero Arroyo y el conflicto en la Cámara Baja para bloquear el pase directo del procurador General de la República, Raúl Cervantes, a la Fiscalía General de la nación, consideró que fue un movimiento para desviar la atención de la investigación por enriquecimiento ilícito de su familia política.
De acuerdo con Velázquez Caballero, el grupo de legisladores albiazules en el Congreso de la Unión pudo bloquear las propuestas de los priistas para la designación del fiscal varios meses antes.
Fue hasta que el diario El Universal comenzó a publicar reportajes sobre la fortuna de su familia política que la bancada blanquiazul comenzó a trabar las cosas.
“Si Acción Nacional no está de acuerdo con esta medida (del fiscal) en algunos estados donde gobierna el PAN bien pudieron cuestionarlo antes”, afirmó.
Diego Velázquez también comentó que el “ataque mediático” contra Anaya Cortés se debe a que representa la “imagen de la corrupción de la ultraderecha mexicana”.
Fractura desgasta fortaleza del albiazul: Claudia Ramón
Por su parte, la politóloga de la UPAEP Claudia Ramón Pérez explicó que mientras el conflicto se mantenga, cualquiera de los aspirantes blanquiazules a la Presidencia sale desgastado.
“La fractura se está generando desde el interior y me parece que todos pierden en Acción Nacional”, dijo.
Incluso, lo anterior se manifestaría en las encuestas donde, señaló, podría caer al tercer lugar en la contienda del próximo año.

Thursday, August 03, 2017

2018. A Turncoat Election. Neoliberal PRI VS Nationalist PRI?

2018. A Turncoat Election. Neoliberal PRI VS Nationalist PRI?
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2017/08/24/una-sucesion-transfuga/

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

A few weeks ago, during the research seminar celebrated by the IIHS of the Universidad Veracruzana, a unique debate was presented, analyzing the consequences that political transference has had on Mexican democratization. The hypothesis with respect to the current regime where PRI predominates of all the political parties was enriched by the question of the change in the cliques and factions of the Mexican political system. The PRI colonization of the Mexican political parties is undoubted, as the thesis of illustrious Daniel Cosío Villegas prayed: only the PRI wins the PRI. And behold, the priista smurf and yellow pricommunist anvils have learned the lesson. The merit of the PAN, PRD, PVEM, MORENA, etc., is to postulate members of PRI. However, in the evolution of transitory times it is also necessary to observe the differences, continuities and discontinuities that the PRI has had.
In 1980 an important schism occurred within the Revolutionary Family between politicians and technocrats. The bloodletting of priistas evidenced the resistance to that the politics doubled before the liberal economist. The PRI became technocratic and reached more and more blue-white colors; Althougt it is true, one of the first postrevolutionary technocrats was Manuel Gómez Morín, inspired by primorriverismo, the Panistas in general little dominated the technique. PRI dissidents approached social political parties that coincided with their populist arts. The internal PRI conflict generated a mobility where politicians lost space in front of the liberal specialists of the economy; However, they were all going to integrate with the former opposition parties.
However, the PRI was not extinguished between the Mexican right and left. On the contrary, it has continued to be a source of political members for institutes representative of the ideological extremes in the country. A fellow researcher commented: the opposition has always been second and backpacker of the PRI, in all this time they have not been encouraged to form professional cadres nor to have own projects for the country. The populist journalist Arturo Luna Silva has characterized the antagonistic parties with a correct fable of Aesop: they constitute a frog opposition.
The PRI political culture survived the transition from hegemony to opposition and, even though its return to the presidency of the republic did not reinstate its political preeminence, it remains the main institute that has the electoral, corporatist and cacique structure to determine support Of who occupies the first magistrature of the country in 2018.
This division of political class has marked the alternations and rhythm of the Mexican political transition since 1988. The struggle between the technocracy and the politicians has served for the opposition and the factual powers to survive in the factional conflict. It has also been the main burden for democracy not to consolidate in the country. The battle between dinosaurs and yuppies has allowed that the partitocracia kidnap the order of the Mexican society. Technicians and rudos have made similar use of corporatist and delinquential informality to protect their interests to the detriment of the nation and society.
By 2018, so far, the presidential project of MORENA seems to be reaching an uncontainable point of support. The cliques and factions that make up the nationalist-populist-political-social project are consolidating a path towards electoral victory that will annul the country's technocratic control. The exhaustion of the technocratic-conservative-neoliberal-rightist group that José Cordoba Montoya inaugurated after the death of Luis Donaldo Colosio, has not found the ideal character that as Ernesto Zedillo, Vicente Fox, Felipe Calderón and Enrique Peña, manage to combine the interests of His various groups to remain in the presidency of the republic. Now the transfer will probably benefit Andrés Manuel López Obrador.
Will it happen with MORENA the same as with the PAN? National Action, now become the Priista Smurf for the full and consented invasion of the Atlacomulco Group, constitutes a reference on the evolution of the Mexican political class. According to the logic that Victor Reynoso uses to explain the PAN institutional model, the trajectory of mergers and ruptures constitutes the motor of the unstable dynamic equilibrium that the PAN preserves as it constitutes the crucible of Mexican rights. Each has had its time and place, history can tell who was up to the circumstances and was consistent with their beliefs. According to Maria Teresa Gómez Mont y Urueta, neoliberalism allowed a rapprochement between the PRI and PAN right; These elections are likely to be the defining moment for these New Right elites to finish unifying. Rafael Moreno Valle became the protagonist that identifies the new PAN politician. Maybe, characters like him imagined Gomez Morin from the beginning. Perhaps Entrepreneurs and the Catholic Church have been receptive to this type of behavior because they only know how to educate Mirreyes and send their "young ladies" to the hunt of distinguished priists, they lack adequate leaders and institutions to prepare their members. With Moreno Valle probably get what with Juan Andrew Almazan and Ezequiel Padilla could not. The 2018 will be a reissue of 1988 and 2006. The nationalist and neoliberal projects will be confronted once again.
The nationalist-populist project of MORENA must guard against the transference to avoid a history similar to that of National Action. The triumphs of conservative alternative nationalisms set the tone for a response to the radical changes humanity is experiencing. What should groups and society do that are disposable from the neoliberal perspective? Of course, to merge, organize against destruction. The middle class is constantly afraid of the nationalist project that is accused of socializing and authoritarian; However, the middle class and some subjects of the other social extremes, are disillusioned with this artilugo given the situation of vulnerability that begins to surround us on all sides. If one is guilty of extreme poverty, serious delinquency, ecological damage, general drug addiction, loss of values ​​and social order, etc., its name is neoliberalism. Mexico is a daily carnage thanks to the functionality between organized crime, technocrats and neoliberal globalization. Veracruz, a unique example of the country, is a neoliberal tragicomedy of what has been lived in Mexico for more than three decades. It is indispensable a historical rupture with priism and the way in which alternative nationalisms are mixing conservatism, patriotism, socialism, communism, ecologism and feminism, etc., is a singular option to stop turning its back on the history of Mexico. Serve the reader, the present table of current political trends from the perspective of Macario Schettino (2004)