The Coming Progressive Right

 The Coming Progressive Right

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

While the historical right, that of the Habsburg model, corporatist and clerical, clings to its remnants of power through local political bosses, a more insidious creature is emerging: the progressive right of the digital youth.

It is not a force for liberation, but rather the enforcer of an algorithmic puritanism that has transformed the classroom into a pocket-sized Inquisition tribunal.

These young people, who carry their cell phones like personal panopticons, are not rebels; they are the new watchdogs of a regime that despises them while granting them the illusion of moral superiority.

It is the minionization of the spirit: a mass desperately seeking a charismatic villain to serve and a scapegoat to cancel.

They have replaced hard data and scientific rigor with the fetish of identity, validating an authoritarian structure that uses tenderness to conceal what is rotten.

This new right wing doesn't need bayonets when it has students willing to denounce any teacher who dares to interrupt its lethargy with the aridity of real-world politics or thermodynamics, anthropocentrism or geopolitics. The system doesn't need to send the army into the square if it can send the "minion masses" to digitally lynch anyone who steps out of line.

"Repression" today means exclusion from the job market, social media blackouts, and the budgetary strangulation of intelligence.

The looming conflict will not be between progress and reaction, but between two forms of servitude.

On one side, the old order of personal loyalties; on the other, this consumerist vanguard that confuses empathy with censorship.

However, the awakening will be tragic.

In a Mexico where infrastructure is crumbling, pollution is devouring the future, and public administration is a prize for the incompetent, the Sultan algorithm will offer little solace.

Cell phones will be useless tools in the face of the harsh realities of manual labor and the scarcity they will inherit.

Digital courtiers are being cultivated for a world that demands engineers and critical thinkers.

While the political class smiles for the cameras, the intelligentsia silently drinks its hemlock, aware that the mirage of digital freedom is merely the prelude to a new and deeper darkness.

Gabriel Careaga exposed the university students of '68 not as romantic revolutionaries, but as aspirational individuals with a profound fear of downward mobility.

According to him, their "rebellion" was actually a tantrum to ensure the system guaranteed their place in the pyramid of privilege.

If we apply this lens to the progressive right (the digital ephebocracy), the scenario is terrifyingly cyclical. I hope they have time to escape.

Just as Robespierre ended up on the guillotine, this youth-dominated system could turn against the regime if it isn't "pure" or "tender" enough at any given moment.

Anti-populism takes up anti-communism

 

Anti-populism takes up anti-communism

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The removal of the sculptures of Fidel Castro and Che Guevara has renewed the debate surrounding anti-communism in Mexico. The animosity of the radical Morena supporters places President Claudia Sheinbaum facing a significant challenge, given the historical trajectory of anti-communism in Mexico, an issue that requires careful, thoughtful, and critical approach. Anti-communism in Mexico is not new, but it has gained strength in the last decade, especially since 2006, when animosity and anti-populism intensified following post-election conflicts and the wave of the South American left.

This phenomenon transcends mere electoral competition and is an ideological confrontation that seeks to arouse fears of communism. This strategy could have profound consequences for the country's political and social polarization, primarily because it appeals to North American interests. Mexican society is deeply conservative, illiberal, and more nationalist than progressive, which further complicates the situation.

As the ruling party, Morena faces major problems in this context, including a lack of internal cohesion and discipline, as well as an excessive focus on external demands, such as those of Donald Trump. The opposition has found support in external sectors, such as business, civil society, and the Catholic Church, which appear interested in countering López Obrador's influence on Sheinbaum.

Anti-communism in Mexico draws fundamentally from two sources: Catholic nationalism and the influence of the United States.

In the past, the Mexican left has struggled to effectively counter these forces, in part due to the conservative and illiberal nature of Mexican society. Mexico was a hub for the World Anti-Communist League, where the PRI had a permanent membership. To emerge successful this time, it is crucial that Morena and its leaders opt for moderation and pragmatism. Moving away from ideological extremes and the influence of radical actors, as well as controversial actors exposed by media scandals, could be a more effective strategy to regain legitimacy in society. Moderation and constructive dialogue, both nationally and internationally, could be key to navigating these challenges and promoting more inclusive and sustainable development for Mexico.

President Sheinbaum should carefully consider how to address the issue of communism and anti-communism in her administration, prioritizing moderation and pragmatism in her public policies and governance. This could help reduce polarization and promote greater stability and social cohesion in the country. There is no point in burning the country down for lost causes.

In this context, the question is whether Morena will rise to the bait of the anti-communist struggle and what effect this will have on the Mexican social environment. The answer will largely depend on the strategy adopted by President Sheinbaum and her team, and how they balance internal and external pressures with the need to promote more inclusive and sustainable development for Mexico.

History has shown that the Mexican left has lost important battles against anti-communism, and the level of factionalism and incompetence within the Mexican left has also contributed to its historic defeats. Therefore, it is critical that Morena and its leaders learn from these experiences and develop an effective strategy to address the challenges faced in the current context.