North America. A new war of samurais against Tlaxcalians?

North America. A new war of Samurais against Tlaxcalians?  Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Recent history and global geopolitical dynamics reveal that empires and nations are in constant transformation, driven by economic, strategic, and cultural interests. In recent years, the contribution of various Indigenous groups to the construction of the Spanish Empire has been emphasized, sometimes sensationally, highlighting the struggles on various Asian peninsulas where Spain attempted to expand and spread the Catholic Counter-Reformation in strategic territories of global significance. Historical evidence clearly shows how great powers have vied for resources, influence, and hegemony in scenarios where power dynamics have been defined by competition for natural resources, trade routes, and military control, revealing a recurring pattern in the history of empires and their confrontations.

In the contemporary context, North America emerges as the main stage for a possible geopolitical reconfiguration, where China and the United States appear poised to star in a new edition of the Cold War. The competition for global hegemony is shifting to this continent, which in recent decades has been an epicenter of economic, political, and military tensions and disputes. China's expansion in the Americas, driven by its Belt and Road Initiative, and its growing presence in countries like Mexico and Canada, point to a consolidation process that could alter the regional balance. China's presence in North America involves not only economic interests but also strategic ones, with the potential creation of "forward ports" in Canada and the expansion of its influence in key sectors such as energy, infrastructure, and technology.

The Canadian case is particularly relevant, given that its decision to strengthen economic ties with China and accelerate its process of de-Americanization has generated far-reaching concerns. The possibility of Canada becoming inundated with Chinese immigrants, as has happened in the United States with approximately 50 million undocumented Mexican immigrants, raises a series of questions about the country's social and demographic transformation. The informal economic alliance with China, which has deepened in the current context, can be interpreted as an attempt by Canada to emancipate itself from US influence, seeking a path to autonomy that entails high political and social costs. The question that arises is whether the United States will allow China to move its "beachheads" to areas closer to its border, thus consolidating a presence that could jeopardize US supremacy in its own sphere of influence. China is overwhelming the United States economically and industrially, in addition to drugging the Anglo-Saxon population with fentanyl.

The Canadian decision, in this sense, represents an act of audacity that challenges traditional US hegemony, revealing a strategy of de-Americanization that, while costly, reflects a desire for autonomy. The question then becomes what consequences this policy will have for Mexico and the rest of the countries in the region. The possibility that North America could become an arena where Chinese and Mexican immigrants might engage in a socioeconomic and cultural dispute is a hypothesis that should not be dismissed, particularly if we consider that the United States and China could maintain a low-intensity war or a containment agreement, which in practice would amount to a form of "Detente."

In this scenario, the tension between migrant communities could resemble a Vietnam-style conflict within the United States' Lebensraum, where colonial needs and the struggle for resources and social recognition intertwine, generating a dispute that would be exploited by external actors seeking to weaken American influence. The Canadian decision, therefore, not only shocks the American empire but also redefines the power dynamics in the region. The difference between the rebellions in Brazil or Venezuela and the intransigence in Canada lies in the proximity and strategic importance of the northern country, which could mark a turning point in continental geopolitics. The future of tomorrow is being built today, and within it, the struggle for influence in North America will reflect the global tensions that will define the balance of power in the coming years.

Spanglish Day

Spanglish Day

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

October 12th, a date historically laden with narratives, contrasts, and even clashes between Hispanist and Indigenous perspectives in Latin America, seems to require a new perspective today.

Instead of perpetuating the polarization between these dimensions, perhaps it is time to observe a phenomenon that is profoundly transforming cultural and social dynamics: the experience of Mexicans in the United States.

North America is currently one of the main centers of Latino concentration outside of Latin American territories.

However, little attention is paid to the sociocultural and demographic impacts that the Mexican presence is generating in the United States.

Authors such as Samuel Huntington and George Friedman, from a markedly Anglo-Saxon conservative standpoint, have analyzed the impact of the Mexican presence on the American cultural landscape.

Although their approaches tend to be alarmist and tinged with racism, they conceal a reality that few observe closely: an increasingly profound integration that is transforming both Mexico and the United States.

Mexican influence not only transcends physical borders but also redefines what it means to be part of the American fabric.

In this context, the Mexico-United States relationship becomes a fascinating example of forced but mutually necessary adaptation.

Even under the nationalist-populist government of the Morena party in Mexico, collaboration between the two nations remains unavoidable, more as an act of survival than out of mere political affinity.

From this relationship emerges a powerful and complex phenomenon: Spanglish.

This term encompasses the growing cultural blending of Mexican and American elements, a symbiosis that goes beyond language and permeates the economic, social, and political spheres.

Mexico, the real Mexico, is now more American than Hispanic.

The speed with which the United States exerts its influence over Mexico presents a difficult path for the Latin American country to navigate.

In this scenario, perhaps contemplating a complete break from Hispanic influences is not unreasonable.

Mexico could end up playing a role in the "Latin American sea" similar to the one the Philippines played in the Asian context.

What does this imply? On the one hand, there is an intellectual and scientific challenge in understanding how more than half of present-day Mexicans have some essential connection to the United States; immigration to North America is more than just a family matter.

On the other hand, an optimistic possibility emerges: Mexicans in the United States have demonstrated their ability to adapt to liberal economic contexts, learn English, embrace democratic values, and achieve income levels sufficient to position themselves within the middle classes without depending on the political patronage so deeply rooted in their country of origin.

Internal debates about the national direction in Mexico seem to be wearing thin in an ideological back-and-forth that contributes little to addressing the practical realities of its proximity to the United States.

Perhaps it's time to rethink these projects from a perspective more aligned with North American cooperation, which has ultimately achieved tangible, successful, and operational results.

While the Mexican political class wastes time debating Hispanicity and nationalism, technocracy and populism, left and right, Mexicans in the United States work to save their communities; they always do so despite the fact that this country has given them little, almost nothing.

North America has been the true father of Mexico.

In this context, Spanglish should cease to be seen as a threat or a loss of identity and begin to be celebrated as a meeting point between cultures.

It is a creative and realistic response to the dilemmas of October 12th, transcending the tension between Hispanists and Indigenous rights activists.

In the end, the American context has proven to be a space where that idealized vision of the "American way of life" thrives, accessible not only to Latinos, but also to Spaniards and other communities around the world.

The United States seems to welcome this cultural hybridization as part of its multicultural strength.

Perhaps it's time for Mexico to do the same and embrace its growing role as a bridge between two increasingly interconnected worlds.

It's necessary to celebrate Spanglish and assimilate its anthropological effects, which translates into observing concrete reality.

Millions of Mexicans have responded to the gravitational pull of North America and have contributed significantly to the development of their families, regions, and the country, regardless of governments or ideologies.

The power of interaction between Mexico and the United States is simply inevitable, and it is best to address it.

The Geopolitical Dilemma of Mexican Drug Trafficking

 The Geopolitical Dilemma of Mexican Drug Trafficking

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

George Friedman seems increasingly accurate in his analysis of the necessary confrontation between Mexico and the United States over drug trafficking. The war predicted by Friedman in 2080 will not be waged by Mexico and the United States as state entities; the fight will be between guerrilla groups representing economic interests and national identities. The overwhelming discovery of hundreds of clandestine graves and extermination camps in our country, as well as the level of violence reached by the war on drugs, force us to envision scenarios of coexistence and cohabitation between drug trafficking fiefdoms and the United States, averting a prolonged guerrilla war disguised as a fight against terrorism.

Until now, Mexican drug trafficking groups have been supplied with weapons by American companies; But, after the White House has designated the cartels as terrorists, it's worth asking how these factions will obtain the necessary arsenal to confront the United States. Mexico's lack of control could lead the nine North American nations to develop an internal war within the United States.

The new US ambassador is the polar opposite of Ken Salazar, who was characterized by his proximity and willingness to negotiate with AMLO. However, between the two, bad cop and good cop, the drug trafficking situation in Mexico changes little, almost nothing. The United States must finance and participate in the war against drug trafficking being waged in Mexico, in addition to promoting domestic health campaigns to prevent addiction. Beyond good and bad cops, Mexico needs emissaries from the United States who contribute financially and materially to addressing this fundamental issue in the social fabric of both countries.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the war on alcohol was not won by the US government. On the contrary, given the high rate of violence, the US government finally had to accept the repeal of Prohibition and the significant contribution of alcohol to the economy, despite considering its harmful externalities. The same thing is happening with drugs. The level of violence that cannot be controlled in Mexico will soon reach the United States. In other words, beyond the cartels seeking the support of Mexicans in North America to launch a war, the truth is that the characteristics of a failed state that Mexico has experienced for several six-year terms will soon be common in the United States.

George Friedman's scenario is not a war like those driven by geopolitical or ideological interests. The United States will soon return to the era of Al Capone, and its political institutions will be corrupted; this will be the moment for the intervention of its powerful foreign enemies. This circumstance could lead to the disintegration of the American Union.

Strengthening the Mexican state protects North America, and the White House must promote Mexican governance through understanding with Sheinbaum and the Fourth Transformation.

Manuel Buendía and the American Challenge

 Manuel Buendía and the American Challenge

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

During these dates, the criminal act that took the life of one of the most important columnists of contemporary times in our country is bitterly remembered. Little has changed in the situation of Mexican journalists since then.

Throughout these years, various reports and analyzes have shown the triangle of the United States, Authoritarianism and Drug Trafficking as the trigger for the violence that has marked our country to the point of configuring it as a Narco Republic oriented towards a Failed State. The Mexican dictatorship lost control of the country when the Cold War ended and became involved in a labyrinth of criminality that US hegemony claims. Mexico has a deep parochial and subject political culture, but North America defines the limits of growth, development and democracy for our country.

The analysis that cost Manuel Buendía his life evidenced the clues that over time have shown the United States as the true narco-empire that promotes drugs and weapons for the benefit of its hegemony. The columnist pointed out the connection that links Yankee imperialism with the business of criminality through the façade of fascism. It is now common knowledge that the United States is the most powerful Drug Cartel.

George Friedman should read Manuel Buendía. If all the money that is conceived as a product of drug trafficking and organized crime reached Mexico, the country would effectively have come out of underdevelopment and backwardness decades ago, the entire nation would have been urbanized. The per capita income from narco-profits would have formed a business class more powerful than the Russian oligarchs and surely the Mexican government would have the weapons of mass destruction to confront North America. None of that is true. Shortly after going through the columns of Red Privada, George Friedman would realize that his vision of Mexico should be reconsidered. Buendía showed that the Reagamaniacs were never going to solve the economic crisis and the US deficit, which is the underlying problem. Neoliberalism dedicated itself to sowing paramilitary groups dedicated to the transfer of drugs and weapons to finance the Yankee hegemony during globalization. The great drug-trafficking washer is called the Pentagon and its bosses work for the CIA. You don't have to have all the resources George Friedman has to prove it.

Manuel Buendía's school of journalism has made it possible to confirm the imprint of Yankee imperialism on the path of drug trafficking and the non-existence of cartels. The historical lesson of his work is the need to seek an alternative development model to the dependency and vocation that the United States has assigned us. Mexico has the obligation to create a socioeconomic model that reduces the disastrous drug violence and the excessive emigration of human resources. The terrible economic results that six-year period after six-year period have occurred for Mexico are not going to change because of the will of the United States. Pentagonism is also destroying American society and its Darwinian liberalism seems doomed to destruction; but Mexico does not have the economic and social capacity to withstand a future like that.

Mexico is forced to rethink its relationship with the United States beyond populist nationalism and reactionary ideology. Neither the right nor the left will be able to govern Mexico if they do not first understand the interests of North America. The American Union is heading for a civilizing war that may have the highest costs for Mexico, it can even be said that they are being paid from now on. The intellectuals of the establishment wasp want things to get worse and will never recognize the significant findings made by researchers like Manuel Buendía. As long as the Mexican political class is not capable of proposing a collaborative game with the United States through the appropriate incentives, which go through consolidating the State, justice as well as liberal democracy, the North American cartel will continue charging high quotas of the right of floor.