Puebla: the eternal avilacamachista

Puebla: the eternal avilacamachista

(...) We are talking with our hearts in our hands, Hilario, not with good phrases to deceive people. Neither you nor me claims the country. They complain to us (leaving aside three or four fools and three or four deluded ones) the groups of conveners who go hunting for a hook to hang on; that is, three or four bands of politicians ... Duties to the country !?

Ignacio Aguirre

http://infoquorum.com/notas/2019/04/09/Opini%C3%B3n/Puebla:_el_eterno_avilacamachista?fbclid=IwAR1KC1ZIZuKr0FvsyfafvMWXS7B4VHYYuaZMwlcFpkDnJt53QxVR6oGWsks

Even though the political alternation was installed in the entity since 2010 at the Governmental level, the truth is that a political devolution predominates that shows a presence of the oligarchies of always and the null possibilities for the subaltern and popular groups to find a channel to meet their needs. needs

While it was thought that political devolution would constitute a temporary stage - albeit a long one - of political practice, while the historical ruptures were generated in order to create institutions that would configure the new spectrum of democratic forces; what has happened is the consolidation of an oligarchic pragmatic system that uses the parties as mere franchises.

The turncoat has become in a herds of wolves in sheep's clothing so that the historical cliques that have sustained the political power; but, above all, economic and social, they should be maintained and reproduced. After the defeat of the Hegemonic Party, the rules of succession became a cannibalism that has nothing to do with electoral competition. The end of the PRI allowed the return of the violent factionalism of the early twentieth century in Mexico. Then, as now, aggressive factionalism generates ungovernability and weakening of institutions.

Puebla leads an oligarchic family dispute where society always loses.

At least three avilacamachismo tendencies compete: gringos, morenos and revolutionaries.

The scale of appearance indicates that, probably, Morena reaches the governorship; However, given the transfuguism that has been a constant since December of last year, avilacamachismo and neoavilacamachismo will remain.

The problem of the transfuguism is not that it generates constant and unpredictable electoral realignments but ends up by empowering the factions or cliques and de-institutionalizing the government and parties. There is a common core that few perceive, the node from which the privileges and prebends are distributed to the members of the oligarchy.

The defeat or triumph of some clique does not mean much difference, the nucleus is invisible and maintains control. If all the political groups are linked to the longest-lived probostazgo in local history; Then, there are no real alternatives.

A clear example is the experiences in the City Councils and the Legislative Power; the representatives of Morena have not changed a minimum element of the old regime. What is the use of governing the most important municipalities of the State? When will the infamous legislative decisions of the past be modified in municipal matters, of control and security? At what point will the obscure judiciary, the security apparatuses and the public administration as a whole be restructured?

It seems that Puebla is going through a velvet transition, which is nothing more than a transition that has been negotiated. Morena has gone from being the Juan Preciado of "Llano en llamas" to the party that everyone wants as a civic model of Puebla, unfortunately this has meant the incorporation of all kinds of forces without any regard and, most of the time, over the authentic citizen bases and networks. If they really won the 2018 local elections, why do they need alliances with those who dominate elections through belly politics?

The avilacamachismo gringo only fulfills its historical function: represent the interests of Mister Danger.

In Puebla, its role is known during the revolutionary process, a partner of avilacamachism and a trigger for emigration and poverty that is not part of Civil Society. It is one of the pillars of local authoritarianism and surrounds itself with the conservative groups that refined the harsh lineage that brought the founding leader. It made room for morenovallismo and tried to promote it as one of the national alternatives. It completed the political alternation in the entity but it used the transfuguismo to the maximum. It is the space from which mainly the paintings that Morena is integrating come out.

The avilacamachismo revolutionary maintains the cacique corporate structure of the old official party; however, he is aware that absolute victories will not come back. It also builds bridges with Morena and many of its leaders zigzag with electoral structures sold to the highest bidder. Now that the polarization of the last electoral contest seems to have ended, it initiates a transfer of cliques similar to a derby that disappoints. The party that wins the elections has the right to form a plural government with elements of diverse political affiliation; However, an electoral contest supposes a dialectic of governance models and public policies. Elections where the options imply ratification are a fraud, a simulation of those that were abundant in Mexico and Puebla. What does Morena offer now for Puebla? What is your difference with the Neoavilacamachismo that was tried to forge from the PAN?

Political parties must seek their ideological and militant definition. If the turncoat party continues unchecked, the institutes end up approved and subtract greater sovereignty to the town and its citizens. There is still time for the political alternation in Puebla to take place and, finally, to skip the authoritarian and oligarchic stage that distinguishes it.

Local Patrimonialism

Local Patrimonialism

August 27, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/08/27/Patrimonialismo-local

 

Puebla has been one of the entities most hurt by government corruption in recent years. Even when the problems in the state and municipal administration have been made known, the last periods have promoted patrimonialism to extraordinary levels. The damage to the common good of the poblanos will extend for several generations and, every day, it seems irreparable. The social pathologies in Puebla are reaching historical levels. Like a virus they will spread everywhere and nobody can say they are invulnerable. The equivalence with Veracruz, Michoacán and Guerrero is a thing of the past, the local oligarchy wants - in these criminalistic indicators - to approach Tamaulipas, Sinaloa or Chihuahua.
The Puebla entity was placed at the level of the worst governments according to the social, political and economic indicators of various study institutions. The political alternation was an authoritarian regression to the cacique model that kidnaps the public administration for personal benefit. The debate that indicated in the six years of the PAN severe questions to the public debt, transparency, concessions and government programs, leaves no room for doubt when observing the behavior of the local legislative power. The approval of public accounts in various entities, especially municipal, institutionalized discretion and authoritarianism as a way of life in our state.
The most shameful case was that of the municipalities. Presidents who had committed real looting of their communities and to whom the Audit Body - now Superior Audit of the State - investigated by means of two technical files that indicated their administrative responsibility, were acquitted by decree. Overnight - literally - their public accounts were approved, the "municipaladas" were ignored. Characters who were removed from processes of verification and accountability were called to form candidacies by all political parties as long as they supported the neo-vilacamacism; Even the independent way was invited to fragment the vote and avoid an opposition coalition that put at risk the official candidacy for the state government.
The route of electoral fraud is parallel to the route of administrative fraud. Caciques, businessmen, political parties, clerics, independents, academics and other entities subject to public responsibility, were cajoled with the maximist Mephistopheleic "divide and conquer". The National Regeneration Movement was also and is being infiltrated with this strategy that will end up empowering Morenovallismo. The neoavilacamachismo was replicated holographically in the 217 municipalities and other entities subject to accountability, at a very high power.
The State Audit and Inspection Bodies are institutions destined to fail as long as there is no division of powers and local legislators blindly approve public accounts without a little awareness of the damage they cause to society. What is the meaning of the technical effort and the constant audit? What model, then, of transparency and accountability?
The municipality is a reserve of civility and democracy. In Puebla they have received the greatest patrimonial damage in their history. Same as public and decentralized agencies. Outgoing local legislators will be responsible for the abandonment and decomposition of the social fabric. The lack of public works, the correct distribution of income, the deception of social programs and patrimonialism, will trigger the conflict.

Moreno Valle: Plot against Mexico

Moreno Valle: Plot against Mexico

July 14, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/07/14/Moreno-Valle-Complot-contra-M%C3%A9xico

FRAUDE ELECTORAL EN PUEBLA 

The poblano cacique responsible for the violence that stained the electoral day in July 2018, has tried to show himself as the "glorious General" that the groups of the Mexican right yearns for. In the new dispute over the leadership of the National Action Party, Moreno Valle brings together the most characteristic cynicism, corruption, violence and classism of the Mexican conservative oligarchy. Moreno Valle seeks to retain Puebla as an economic and political springboard of his future aspirations. His dominion in the entity is based on the structuring of a cacique corporatism that has its origin in the "Pact of Honor and Justice" signed by Maximino Ávila Camacho -Cid Campeador de los Poblanos de Puebla-.

Ernesto Zedillo did not stop Roberto Madrazo, the result was a constant weakness throughout his six years and the rise of the Atlacomulco Group. Zedillo held out against ungovernability every day of his term and needed to hand over power to the opposition to maintain a space of influence. Vicente Fox did not tolerate the Yucatan cacique Cervera Pacheco; However, he let other feudal lords play behind his back, his government was transformed into full impotence. The situation was uncomfortable for both presidents; not to say for others, the Mexican society became a hostage of the powers that be. The feudalism of the governors ended up prostrating the nation.

López Obrador would commit suicide if he does not confront Moreno Valle. AMLO has been victim - like most of the Mexicans -, since always, of the racism, dispossession and terrorism that distinguishes this type of cliques. If Morena and the progressive groups that collaborate with the lopezobradorismo do not focus on stopping the neo-fascist movement that takes place in Puebla under the baton of the Morenovallismo, it is necessary that they prepare then for any scenario: from the assassination to the coup d'état. It is not the first time that the conservative oligarchic groups in Puebla intend to destroy the republic, their opposition to liberal and social advances is systematic, their preference for dictatorial leaders is common and their attitude undemocratic permanent. There is the same experience of Maximino Ávila Camacho who, even after death, kept causing problems until his political group reached the presidency of the republic. If the avilacamachismo had been annihilated in the best way, maybe until October 2, 1968 it would have been avoided.

The neoavilacamachismo brings together the same clerofascist, hispanist, lebanese and huachicolero groups that will do everything possible to make the new government of the country fail. The reactionary Puebla will resign, with all its forces, against Mexico. There is, again, Maximino Ávila Camacho and his Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, the sinister Señor Jenkins and his Smart privatization projects, Pablo Vázquez Vizcaino and his white guards who give testimony and hope to the uncompromising integral Catholicism. Moreno Valle is an expert in destroying democracy, for nothing he valued the trust that the citizenship gave in 2010. He immediately put aside the citizen projects and the good faith of those who voted against the PRI. However, no one can be called naive or deceived; there was the story of an oppressive lineage. Families like this, do not change. Several times we have seen in the contemporary epoch of Puebla the way in which the norms of power are fulfilled; José Alarcón Hernández has been more transparent than any institutionalist political philosopher and electoral philosopher who intends to defend the IEE.

What does López Obrador have to do? It must confront a conservative structure of power, a confessional oligarchy that preserves its lineages and beliefs since colonial times. If Andrés Manuel López Obrador forgets Puebla, this would bring several problems to the country. If, like General Lázaro Cárdenas, allows the neoavilacamachismo to consolidate, it will be setting the tone for the embryo of the conservative ivy to spread again. Not correcting things in Puebla means that soon a Diaz Ordaz comes to the presidency of the republic.

The word of AMLO must be fulfilled in Puebla, Mexico is obliged not to forget the entity. The future of the country demands that cacicazgos such as the Morenovallismo and its cliques be eliminated.