Santiago Creel, the anti-militarist aspirant

 Santiago Creel, the anti-militarist aspirant

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although it is true that an important tendency of the National Action Party is identified with a foolproof civilism, even this commitment cannot be removed from the historical reality of the country. A few decades ago, when the possibilities of presidential alternation loomed, Carlos Castillo Peraza reflected on a Pact of Oblivion regarding the regime of the Mexican revolution and the importance of modifying the lyrics of the National Anthem to project peace and harmony that distinguishes a democratic context. again regimen. However, although this way of reflecting on the country's political course dispensed with the authoritarianism exercised by the Official Party -especially in its military aspect- it did not detract from the centrality of the armed forces.

Symbols are symbols, they signify and resignify, reinterpret and feed the search for meaning. In political culture it is a basic lesson. Santiago Creel's conduct allows us to glimpse his conservative, pro-Yankee and feudal latifundista lineage. Mexican politicians are a time machine; the Fourth Transformation is accused of trying to restore the regime of the Mexican revolution, but Creel wants to build a North American neo-Porfirismo.

The Mexican Army, particularly the one that is the product of the Mexican Revolution, has performed the most noble and heroic tasks in recent years. The Armed Forces are the true Revolutionary Family that supported the existence of the country with pins in the most voracious century of US geopolitics. The sacred work of sacrifice is the daily sphere of the Mexican military, especially since the PAN launched them into a war with their hands tied and for the benefit of North American imperialism. At least, due to the river of blood spilled corresponding to thousands of Mexican soldiers, it is not at all questionable that the national arms can accompany the patriotic flag wherever it is, the Mexican military are the only ones that can carry the national flag with dignity, contrary to many other Mexicans, mainly politicians.

I disagree with Carlos Castillo Peraza, the National Anthem should not be modified one iota. Mexican nationalism has a lot of homework to do for an incomprehensible country that, despite everything, moves, advances and - paradoxically - slowly recovers what imperialist pirates stole from it in the past.

When the PAN was the party of the long march, it could not bear any affront to the patriotic flag. In the political demonstrations called and not infrequently repressed, he demanded reparation -With the march of the armed forces!- to the Mexican flags that they used to demand the cancellation of electoral fraud. And yes, they were right. So then, what does the Mexican Army mean for the PAN? Are the armed forces only admirable when they are at the service of the anti-communists? Wouldn't it be more dignified for the PAN to recognize that it sent the Mexican Army into a suicidal war on instructions? from the United States? In that Kafkaesque Mexicanness, Genaro García Luna is being more coherent in acknowledging that in all his miserable performance he only obeyed orders, from the gringos! Why doesn't Santiago Creel propose himself, along with Eduardo Verástegui, as candidates for the presidency of the United States of America?

The false criticism that Santiago Creel wants to make of Mexican militarism is going to result in something worse. He did not defend any sovereignty, he committed one of the most serious institutional contempts against the Mexican soldier, the Mexican revolution and, let's be honest, the national soldier who represents a racial stereotype marginalized by individuals like Santiago Creel and Lorenzo Córdova, what a coincidence his work and mentality in electoral bodies! That is what political-political democratic fundamentalism is for, to unprotect the few dignified and authentic symbols that this country has left. The former secretary of the interior and unsuccessful candidate for the PAN presidential candidacy reveals his racism, classism and aporophobia. Maybe if the US Embassy sent him an escort, he wouldn't hesitate to accept it complete with guns (or missiles and tanks like Zelensky). Or would he also prefer some Hooters Cheerlaeders to please his Super Bowl-loving crowd?

AMLO and the Black Circle

AMLO and the Black Circle

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Pablo González Casanova stated that populism constituted a double-edged weapon of protection for Mexico. On the one hand, it is a force that feeds the acritical attitude of most of the social movements and caciquile regions of the country to the point of almost bursting the fragile order. On the other hand, populism also constitutes an auxiliary factor for the armed forces in national defense against a probable foreign invasion, particularly from the United States.

The militarization of the country confirms that the National Army, a product of the Mexican Revolution, is the true force of governance in Mexico. The complaints about the facade that democracy guards in our presidentialism represent the modernizing liberal frustration that Western evangelical scholars have to experience as a permanent martyrology. Antonio Machado, Denisse Dresser, Jorge Portilla and Juan Linz confirm what Huntington establishes, Latin America is light years away from being Western. With few events in Latin America, it is immediately verified that presidentialism does not work outside the United States, well, almost in no country. Mexican authoritarian presidentialism will never be like US presidentialism. This does not imply a lack of attention in the operation, handling and security of the system. Outside the United States, presidentialism almost always ends in coups.

Mexico sheltered itself from the Latin American presidential dynamics thanks to an Official Party - understood by the concept of military corporatist capacity - that coerced the different political forces to solve the problem of presidential succession and public administration. It was not easy, the Army of the Mexican Revolution faced the imperialism of the Catholic Church and the United States. It did not win, but it did obtain a Pareto balance that provided meager national stability.

In a fictionalized way, Velasco Piña exposes the Mexicanism of the armed forces that develops into a populist and confused revolutionary nationalism, but with an authoritarian clarity that was executed many times to obtain the PRI pax.

The imperial presidency wants to return, although the Official Party no longer exists. Will the Black Circle be able to contain and coerce the PRI cliques that are dispersed in different political parties? Will the Black Circle be able to institutionalize, once again, an Official Party?

That militarism is an inevitable variable in the governance of extra-western countries is an axiom of political science. What militarism is talked about in Mexico regarding the Black Circle? During the PRIATO, the armed forces constituted a defensive bloc against imperialism that obtained a moderate colonialism. There are many coincidences between the Spanish Francoism and the revolutionary nationalism, but also great differences. With its flats, the colonialist pact of the Mexican Army gained greater independence than many cases in the Iberosphere.

The alternation elections caused a decrease in military power. President Felipe Calderón promoted a militarization of the country that ran aground in US geopolitics. Militarization during neoliberalism made Mexico like Colombia. In both cases, the war on drug trafficking has been lost, to the benefit of North America. Both countries are militarized, the Colombian army is more like a US occupation force; what should not happen in Mexico.

Revolutionary nationalism, the strange doctrine that justified the Army of the Mexican Revolution as the backbone of PRIATO, failed to consolidate after World War II. Over time, the centrality of the armed forces, caciquil corporatist populism, and the pragmatism of the ruling class, deteriorated Mexican nationalism, which with the political transition gave up even more. If Mexico is to be an authoritarian democracy, a justification for revolutionary nationalism is indispensable, so that the black circle preserves the legitimacy of organized violence.

AMLO confirms that the center of the Mexican political system is the Army, although it is also important to reflect under what circumstances. The positioning of the Army is done with the tutelage of the United States, it no longer seems the domain of an independent army.

Still, the United States is in total global decline. Mexico is in a position similar to that of the early nineteenth century when the Spanish empire imploded, orphanhood offered the possibility of autonomy and freedom, but the opportunity was wasted for lack of responsibility and cohesion, for lack of a national objective.

Perhaps it is true that the strengthening of the Mexican army is a necessity, the prince must take care of his weapons before his clothing. However, that the strengthening of the armed forces implies the strengthening of the people and not the occupation of the United States informally as occurs in Colombia.