Intermarium. Hitler won the war

 Intermarium. Hitler won the war

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

How can we deny that the world has become a strange space for the development of reason? Or, perhaps, it has always been like this. Walter Graziano developed a work to understand American imperialism as a trigger for economic crises and colonialism. According to the author, the North American messianic doctrine is developed in a way that is more than closely related to Nazism. Over time this has been confirmed in various ways.

During 2021, teachers Patricia Campos, Samuel Schmidt and the writer; We managed to share with Mexican society the characteristics of the Intermarium Project developed in Poland and its importance for the Cold War. The work entitled: “Catholic Nationalism, geopolitics and anti-communism. The impact on Mexico”, under the Soriano Editores seal. Our political system was forced to establish itself as a moderate anti-communist regime where the Official Party and the Catholic Church structured the political class at the service of the United States.

The scandal corresponding to Canada for the exhibition of covert Nazism constitutes further proof of the extension of the Intermarium in other countries, of the rescue of Nazis and the inclusion in the political system of Ariosophical followers in the form of anti-communists, liberals or pro-Yankee. Above all, it shows the brevity and short effectiveness of memory. For this reason, the bitter teacher History makes her appearance so that humanity becomes aware of its crimes.

Yaroslav Hunka was a Ukrainian Nazi nationalist who took refuge in American anti-communism for decades to fight against the USSR during the Cold War. According to research by Thierry Meyssan, people like Hunka was to close a Yaroslav Stetsko, leader of the Intermarium, and a militant close to the Ukrainian extremist organizations that collaborated with Adolf Hitler. Ukrainian nationalism remains as it was then, at the service of Nazism to put an end to Russia; but, now, the IV Reich is meant in the American Union. After the implosion of the Soviet pole, the restoration of Eastern Europe allowed him to develop his activism as a member of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the new missionaryism of the World Anti-Communist League. During the last years he promoted economic liberalism and the modernization of Ukraine; but also the hatred of Russia that the former Slavic, Baltic and Caucasian nationalists have retained in a deep-rooted form.

Eastern Europe is the territory of the greatest Western indolence, the true hell on earth where all resentments have been able to converge. And the space from which no one has learned anything.

Canada and the Western world applauded a Nazi expert. The situation shows the plot of falsehoods in the Russian-Ukrainian war: the IV Reich continues in its desire to persist, the Barbarossa operation and fulfill the dream of Alfred Rosenberg.

Jean Francois Ravel believed that anti-Americanism was the characteristic of human irresponsibility, but what about anti-Russianism?

The way in which the world has received notification of what happened in Canada is an example of the confusion that Western democracy is experiencing, liberal culture applauds Nazism and nothing happens.

However, the appearance of Nazism in Canada is not a coincidence, it was all part of a geopolitical strategy where most of the countries that commanded the Allied Side ended up recruiting the Nazis and blindly joining the Anti Comintern.

What happened in Canada exposes the interests of NATO and the Yankee Empire. However, it also generates enormous damage – perhaps the greatest – to capitalist liberal democracy. The history and geopolitics of realism provide the bitterest drinks. The West has promoted Nazism in the most open way in the second half of the 20th century and on the threshold of the present century the foundations of the Ariosophical Millennium that Mein Kampf imagined are about to be finalized.

Democracy and capitalism are the masquerade of the Fourth Reich and it seems that no one can stop them. Mexico is not far behind in the Nazi support that has been established from North America: drug trafficking and emigration are the channels through which the empire is fed; But, in addition, there is also a plethora of politicians like those who brought Vicente Fox to power and now promote Xóchitl Gálvez, who would also gladly applaud characters like Yaroslav Hunka.

Anti-communism, Catholic nationalism and geopolitics. The impact on Mexico. Book Review

 Anti-communism, Catholic nationalism and geopolitics. The impact on Mexico.

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero, Xóchitl Patricia Campos López, Samuel Schmidt, editorial:

Montiel and Soriano Publishers, 2021

 

BOOK REVIEW

By Arely Lucas Abundio, Brayan Martínez Martínez and Luis Ángel Isidro Bonilla, students of the Bachelor of Political Science at the Faculty of Political and Social Sciences. Meritorious Autonomous University of Puebla.

The book is a reflection on anti-communism as a geopolitical factor, and analyzes it in three periods: prior to the Second World War, during the cold war and in the post-communism period.

As the pages of this political analysis are turned, several questions appear: how do these ideologies affect Mexico? Did anti-communism trigger the 1968 student massacre? Is López Obrador a communist? What defines us as political scientists?

Reading this research allows us to understand the evolution of an ideology and myth that provided Mexicans with a false vision of the world and a partial view of history; anti-communism legitimized authoritarian actions by political, economic and social leaders who claimed to protect the homeland at any cost.

The historical analysis led the authors to find in Poland's Catholic nationalism a fundamental factor for the development of global anti-communism. They recover the trajectory of intransigent integral Catholic political thought, -for example, of Vladimir Ledochowski- that places the Freemasons, Jews and Russians as enemies, although after the October revolution anti-communism is added, which irradiates the anti-Bolshevik experience towards Europe. from the East and that, hand in hand with the Vatican, reaches Latin America and Mexico.

The Intermarium was a project that will allow Poland to protect its sovereignty. After the fall of the tsarist empire and the survival of the Orthodox Church, Poland was characterized by its defense of the anti-communist movement to preserve its political-religious integrity and be a future buffer against the Soviet Union and Germany.

The geopolitical interest of the Catholic Church in Poland is essential to maintain itself as a religious hegemon in Eastern Europe, highlighting the need for the Holy See to create a perfect Christian society, the City of God on earth, but at the same time showing a face radical, authoritarian and papolatra.

Anti-communism becomes a converging element of the European and Cold War wars of the last century, and out of a fervent struggle for the new world order, this process spreads everywhere under the leadership of the United States of America. America.

The Polish Intermarium project will have as its main objective to stop the spread of communism by displaying a series of narratives and actions that will unleash conservative and religious phobias towards Freemasons, Jews and communists, while at the same time being essential to explain the vision of Catholic nationalism.

Latin American countries, characterized by the great influence of Catholicism and extreme Spanish-American conservatism, adopt the US national security project governed by the Intermarium.

Mexico was one of the countries most aided by anti-communism, Catholic nationalism, Francoist influence and secret societies financed by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). Francoism manipulated the question of Hispanidad to turn Spanish spiritual imperialism into a quintessential conservatism that denies the virtues of liberal democracy, but fights head-on against communism. Ibero-American conservatism highlights the attachment to the hierarchy of the Catholic Church and its influence in all social spheres.

The anti-communist right in Latin America has a long history, accompanying the religious and authoritarian character of the oligarchies. During World War II, its presence grew stronger and, over time, it established itself as an ally of US imperialism. The set of strategies against the USSR will mark the stage of the dirty war against the Latin American left. The thread that the text discovers between Nazi-fascism and Yankee imperialism, evidences the link between the Intermarium and North American Atlanticism.

Based on the influence of the Intermarium on the secret societies of Catholic nationalism, the book analyzes the consequences that an ideology such as anti-communism can bring to the political culture of Mexico. The conservative culture not only tries to prevent left-wing parties from reaching power and forming a government, but also influences the authoritarian patrimonialism represented by the different political groups that have reached the presidency of Mexico, cacique corporatism and the lack of solidity for a authentic liberal democratic culture.

The gap of inequality, marginalization, vulnerability and impunity is the ideal breeding ground for authoritarianism. The Intermarium is reborn in the new right-wing wave in the world, with strong Russophobia without the USSR and non-communist Russia; promoting the hegemony of the United States and the Catholic Church now in the dispute for the world order after neoliberalism and covid-19.

Communism and anti-communism caused a stir in political systems around the world. It is important to question to what extent they were struggles against imperialism and for national emancipation.

This essay explains the validity of the ideas, hatreds, contradictions and dialectics of an anti-communism that is still present in Mexico and that has a presence in many social sectors.

The anti-communist discourse in our country is socialized on a daily basis, although the Mexican Republic does not have a communist party, but the memory of 1968 and the destruction of the revolutionary guerrillas makes clear the force of Catholic nationalism in the anti-liberal political culture of our society.

Taken from: Latinoture Magazine (2022 November)

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Mexico-Poland: a far-right party Hector Alejandro Quintanar

Mexico-Poland: a far-right party

Hector Alejandro Quintanar

The World Cup in Qatar is approaching and, as Bertrand Russell recommended about soccer, it is time to think about humans and their political disputes. Within this framework, on November 22, Mexico will face Poland in the debut of both teams in the fair. Time to remember ideological links in both countries.

As he did in recent days to invite the march in defense of the INE, on July 2, 2005 Vicente Fox also invited the right-wing –both the assumed and the shameful– to take over the Angel of Independence to celebrate the day of democracy Disguised as a remembrance of the alternation in 2000, the act was an attempt to show strength in the streets, since the obradorismo had recently overwhelmed them against the authoritarianism of lawlessness, and the 2006 election was approaching. Fox's act had as a star guest the former Polish president Lech Walesa, stamp of Catholicism turned into a political project, whose presence sought to shine a stage dominated by figures from the Mexican ultra-right, such as Luis Luege or Velasco Arzac.

More than anecdotal, the event was a reminder. Researchers and journalists such as Samuel Schmidt, Diego Velázquez, Patricia Campos or Maciek Wisniewski have pointed out a crucial fact. At the beginning of the 20th century, Intermarium was a Central European geopolitical project that sought to unite countries between the Baltic and the Black Sea, with centrality in Poland, to form an ideological wall against the Russian revolution, based on one element: geopolitical anti-communism with Catholic roots. , which since the 19th century has been obsessed with an alleged Jewish-communist conspiracy to dominate the world, an obsession that masked an anti-secular and anti-enlightenment crusade.

Just 100 years ago, Pius XI (formerly nuncio to Poland) was elected Pope, an emissary of an intransigent conservatism and an admirer of the theses of the Polish Intermarium, which were also an inspiration for Mexican far-right organizations such as Los Tecos and El Yunque. Thus, Central European Catholicism – afraid that the Jews would found their State there – and the Mexican post-Cristero veins, opposed to constitutional secularism, had communicating vessels, both united by fear of the Jewish-communist conspiracy. The connections are not trivial: already in the cold war, the Vatican took up the theses of Intermarium promoting reserved groups in Latin America, which led to this intolerant inertia having a place in Mexico –as was the case in Puebla– and later found space in bread. From Warsaw to Cholula, the threat was one: the Judeo-Freemasons-Communists.

One hundred years after the accession of Pius XI; 100 years after the rise of the Intermarium, 100 years after the USSR was consolidated (and then dissolved), today in Mexico a conclave is coming: a forum in Mexico City on November 18 and 19 organized by the Political Conference de Acción Conservadora (CPAC), with exhibitions, among others, by Pinochetista Antonio Kast or Mr. Javier Milei, a madman who represents that sector of people who, unable to socialize healthily with others, disguise their antipathy as an ideology of exacerbated individualism. The axis of that forum is predictable: the reactionary counterculture against reproductive and sexual minority rights; mix anti-communism and anti-populism, and regurgitate geopolitical conspiracies, perhaps Cuban, Venezuelan or even Russian again.

Who will complete the conclave? Lech Walesa, who today, like 17 years ago, will once again be in Mexico to wash the face of reactionary groups with the prestige of his Nobel Prize, just as Vargas Llosa does, flattering Díaz Ayuso in Madrid or urging them to vote for Bolsonaro. With Walesa will be Eduardo Verástegui, a Mexican actor who became an ideologue of this post-Cold War right, in a touch of entertainment reminiscent of when Alicia Villarreal, singing, gave a better and more profound speech than Fox's in that meeting at the Angel in July from 2005.

The traces of intransigent Polish and Mexican conservatism have been connected. While in Poland that expression governs, in Mexico it lies in an opposition that is supposedly diverse but that is less and less afraid of being articulated with each other, headed by unpresentables (as was the cocktail of liberals marching with electoral delinquents to save the INE), while the right dura becomes visible as it is, as in the CPAC forum.

In 100 years much of the world has changed, but in the global party of reaction, whether Polish or Mexican, its right wingers remain anchored in the 18th century, while those who believe they are centers or brilliant forwards do not realize that they share the field with retrogrades more than they wanted. I wish the field that is being talked about here was not political, but soccer.

Taken from: 

Periódico La Jornada. 16 de Noviembre de 2022

Semanario El Reto. 17 de Noviembre de 2022 

Why do the left fail?

Why do the left fail?

Is the Mexican left a total failure? In this issue of the weekly "La Quincena", various analysts offer their position regarding the prospects represented by the federal government of MORENA, the Fourth Transformation and Andrés Manuel López Obrador. The Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) was a confederation of caciques and political factions where the left and revolutionary nationalism played a leading role. The ruptures and the turncoat of the Official Party allowed the left and right to have serious opportunities to govern beyond the municipalities and to legislate beyond the multi-member representation. Now is the time for the left, what future awaits you? The reduction of uncertainty is achieved with a fair reading of those who participate in this work.

3 Index
4 Why does the left fail?
Samuel Schmidt
8 The left in the long time and the
short time: a success story,
defeats and failures
Joan del Alcàzar
13 Why does the left fail?
Mario sznajder
16 Why does the left fail to
government?
Diego Velazquez
18 Take care, left,
from your own left
Miguel Molina
20 Why has the
left
David sarnow
24 The left in power:
a reflection
Andrés A. Fabregas Puig
26 On the failure of the left
Xóchitl Patricia Campos López
28 Why did the left fall into the
Western democratic world?
Alberto Spektorowski
31 Why the Left Fail
Mario Rechy M.
34 Left and right on
the capitalism
Abraham Nuncio
35 Doubtful collection of the Park
Foundry
Lupita Rodríguez Martínez
36 System reform
pension
Rosa Esther Beltrán Enríquez
37 Science and public judgment
Edilberto Cervantes Galván
38 The Hanna and the Disaster
of corruption
Horacio Flores
Prophecy
Gerson Gomez
39 Distance learning
Guillermo Berrones
In NL everything is allowed
Joaquin Hurtado
40 Interview with Marisa García
Padua
Eligio Coronado
42 Fundidora Park, victim of
the pandemic or mismanagement?
David Botello
* We are grateful to Samuel Schmidt for his contribution as co-editor of this issue of the magazine, for bringing together 10 valuable
http://www.laquincena.mx/LaQuincena193WEB.pdf?fbclid=IwAR2evJVJC0ODdDgQBIpKWxQZfahaib6E9IqLqNIWTGYIk1o8fa2RfBsj8vE


http://www.laquincena.mx/

http://www.laquincena.mx/LaQuincena193WEB.pdf?fbclid=IwAR2evJVJC0ODdDgQBIpKWxQZfahaib6E9IqLqNIWTGYIk1o8fa2RfBsj8vE