Xochitl. The howitzer off

 Xochitl. The howitzer off

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Although the FAM candidate has indicated that the presidential candidacy was one of her greatest dreams, at times this seems to turn into a nightmare. Some of the collaborators and politicians who agreed to support the campaign have simply abandoned him. The Xóchitl campaign suffers from everyone's abandonment and transfuguism; What's more, to summarize, not even the famous Mr. X decides to contribute and appear in the campaign. The right-wing candidate has no parties, no civil society, or anything; She alone was left with the support of her family circle and her friends.

Xóchitl Gálvez's campaign seems like a rehearsal for young aspiring political consultants. Which is why Mrs. There has been talk of replacing the Front candidate; or abandoning her, which is even worse. It is true that the elections can be described as “non-competitive”, but the opposition is playing a game of abandonment.

The Mexican oligarchy has demonstrated terrible pragmatism, the migration to Morena and the transfuguism of many PRIANRD militants towards the benefits of the Fourth Transformation, render Xóchitl Gálvez's presidential campaign meaningless. Even the idea of divided government does not seem to attract sponsors and competitive political cadres. The problem for the voter is that there are no options or alternatives; They are literally all the same.

Mrs. X is carrying out a testimonial campaign for the Mexican opposition. The neoliberals show that they were never committed to this project and that Sheinbaum's nonsense not only attracts the classes and politicians of the popular sector. In the end, Xóchitl Gálvez's attempts to connect with Mexican society are not enough.

The Mexican opposition did not want to sink with the PRIANRD Titanic and only Xóchitl will remain as captain of an unmanned liner.

A comfortable victory is emerging for Morena and the extinction of the party system corresponding to 20th century Mexico. Xóchitl Gálvez was used by a right

pragmatic and voluble who has no qualms about changing her jacket and disguising herself as a progressive and social democrat.

The excessive partisan migration that Morena receives forces us to rethink the meaning of the political trajectory in the country; If Mexico – as a failed democracy – had been an example of political transition via competitive elections, now it can create the transition of the red grasshopper; Democracy is over.

Santiago Creel, the anti-militarist aspirant

 Santiago Creel, the anti-militarist aspirant

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

Although it is true that an important tendency of the National Action Party is identified with a foolproof civilism, even this commitment cannot be removed from the historical reality of the country. A few decades ago, when the possibilities of presidential alternation loomed, Carlos Castillo Peraza reflected on a Pact of Oblivion regarding the regime of the Mexican revolution and the importance of modifying the lyrics of the National Anthem to project peace and harmony that distinguishes a democratic context. again regimen. However, although this way of reflecting on the country's political course dispensed with the authoritarianism exercised by the Official Party -especially in its military aspect- it did not detract from the centrality of the armed forces.

Symbols are symbols, they signify and resignify, reinterpret and feed the search for meaning. In political culture it is a basic lesson. Santiago Creel's conduct allows us to glimpse his conservative, pro-Yankee and feudal latifundista lineage. Mexican politicians are a time machine; the Fourth Transformation is accused of trying to restore the regime of the Mexican revolution, but Creel wants to build a North American neo-Porfirismo.

The Mexican Army, particularly the one that is the product of the Mexican Revolution, has performed the most noble and heroic tasks in recent years. The Armed Forces are the true Revolutionary Family that supported the existence of the country with pins in the most voracious century of US geopolitics. The sacred work of sacrifice is the daily sphere of the Mexican military, especially since the PAN launched them into a war with their hands tied and for the benefit of North American imperialism. At least, due to the river of blood spilled corresponding to thousands of Mexican soldiers, it is not at all questionable that the national arms can accompany the patriotic flag wherever it is, the Mexican military are the only ones that can carry the national flag with dignity, contrary to many other Mexicans, mainly politicians.

I disagree with Carlos Castillo Peraza, the National Anthem should not be modified one iota. Mexican nationalism has a lot of homework to do for an incomprehensible country that, despite everything, moves, advances and - paradoxically - slowly recovers what imperialist pirates stole from it in the past.

When the PAN was the party of the long march, it could not bear any affront to the patriotic flag. In the political demonstrations called and not infrequently repressed, he demanded reparation -With the march of the armed forces!- to the Mexican flags that they used to demand the cancellation of electoral fraud. And yes, they were right. So then, what does the Mexican Army mean for the PAN? Are the armed forces only admirable when they are at the service of the anti-communists? Wouldn't it be more dignified for the PAN to recognize that it sent the Mexican Army into a suicidal war on instructions? from the United States? In that Kafkaesque Mexicanness, Genaro García Luna is being more coherent in acknowledging that in all his miserable performance he only obeyed orders, from the gringos! Why doesn't Santiago Creel propose himself, along with Eduardo Verástegui, as candidates for the presidency of the United States of America?

The false criticism that Santiago Creel wants to make of Mexican militarism is going to result in something worse. He did not defend any sovereignty, he committed one of the most serious institutional contempts against the Mexican soldier, the Mexican revolution and, let's be honest, the national soldier who represents a racial stereotype marginalized by individuals like Santiago Creel and Lorenzo Córdova, what a coincidence his work and mentality in electoral bodies! That is what political-political democratic fundamentalism is for, to unprotect the few dignified and authentic symbols that this country has left. The former secretary of the interior and unsuccessful candidate for the PAN presidential candidacy reveals his racism, classism and aporophobia. Maybe if the US Embassy sent him an escort, he wouldn't hesitate to accept it complete with guns (or missiles and tanks like Zelensky). Or would he also prefer some Hooters Cheerlaeders to please his Super Bowl-loving crowd?

Auxiliary Boards and Municipal Federalism in Puebla

 Auxiliary Boards and Municipal Federalism in Puebla

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The PAN bench in the state Legislature has promoted one of the important issues, although not very significant for the interests of the local political system. Within the principles that founded the Blue and White opposition, federalism was essential, which is logical in a context of a centralist Hegemonic Party where local governments with different political preferences were systematically blocked. For decades, the few PAN councils where it was inevitable to recognize the transparency of the electoral results were ignored and their administrations tried to be efficient to generate a favorable political trend, especially in the cities where the PAN sought the vote of the conservative middle class. PAN federalism has been changing as state governments and national power reached, the ideas of opposition were accommodating the PRI turncoat, chiefdom and federalist centralism.

 The theory of rational choice and liberal democracy, indicate that the ideal is to create new municipalities and allow subordinate communities to emancipate the heads. The Auxiliary Boards in the municipality of Puebla must be constituted as municipalities, because that is what they were, because they more than meet the requirements of the Municipal Organic Law, because the vassalage to which they are subjected is immoral. The history of chiefdom, authoritarianism, racism and discrimination; it goes through the despotism exercised by the municipal heads to the subordinate communities. However, PRI legislators from different political parties have always preferred to develop the socioeconomic structure that feeds the hegemony of the Pueblan oligarchy instead of promoting art. 115 constitutional with all its forces.

In Puebla and Mexico, creating new municipalities would be synonymous with ending chiefdom, clientelism, and the politics of poverty. Maria Amparo Cassar, Mauricio Merino, Enrique Cabrero and many more, in Puebla the role of Doctor César Musalem Jop should be highlighted, they have developed technologies and arguments to justify the creation of more municipalities or federal tax laws that oblige mayors to share proportionally the shares, resources and obligations with subordinate authorities. Puebla and Tlaxcala have legal recognition for the subordinate communities of the municipalities - What a relief! - In other states the issue may be more serious: the citizens of the auxiliary boards do not exist.

The federalist debate proposed by the PAN is significant, I hope that the legislators of his faction take the issue seriously and can finally do something more than a trivial montage. Of the Local Congress, as a whole, it can only be said that it is a perfidious entity against the municipalities and federalism in Puebla. Municipalizing, instead of privatizing, can be realistic to build an authentic opposition discourse. Politics and business are different things, at the local level is where the perverse confusion of both identities causes terrible damage: water, cleaning, security, lighting..., not everything can be solved through outsourcing. The managerial mentality in public affairs only means black market.

The number of municipalities that Mexico and Puebla have, as extensive as it may seem, is negligible compared to the size of local governments that consolidated democracies have. The United States and France are simple samples, but even the same Spain that Hispanic Creoles like so much can be taken as an example. Is the administrative malfunction of the Resurrection or Canoa really more serious for the municipality of Puebla than the white and corrupt elephant called IMPLAN? Doesn't the capital of Puebla deserve a local government based on Mayors or Delegations instead of a municipal administration that can less every day because the growth of the City is more than expansive? That the auxiliary authorities are human traffickers or drug traffickers, only shows that the legislators of Puebla do not know the cacicazgos of the interior of the state nor the corruption and incompetence that the municipal public accounts mean year after year; there is the design of planned failure. Or perhaps they know him to the extent that they lobby him and know how to take advantage of it. Some PAN mayors of Puebla capital and the metropolitan area, in the past, have made courageous and admirable federalist decisions that the oligarchic Congress has been throwing down. The current PAN members should learn from them, who every day identify more with the Barbosista and/or Morenovallista government instead of the nostalgic Gomezmorinian ideal. The pragmatic PAN may be right in the behavior of survival, but we already know how Faustian soap operas of submission end with the governor in office.

Democratic consolidation needs a deep reflection on the municipalities, the discussion in Puebla cannot wait any longer. Beyond progressive issues, the legislative agenda must not ignore the (glocal) municipal debate, municipalities must also become postmodern in the face of a runaway post-Covid world.

PAN-Vox, a strategy, not a mistake: Intermarium Model in Mexico 2024

PAN-Vox, a strategy, not a mistake: Intermarium Model in Mexico 2024

September 15, 2021

Carlos Ramirez

After the right-wing failure of the PAN in the presidency in the lukewarm conservative six-year terms of Vicente Fox Quesada and Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, the PAN is weaving a front with Coparmex, the anti-state businessmen of Claudio X. González and their functional citizen organizations and now with the far-right Spanish party Vox for 2024. In this context, the Vox visit organized by the far-right wing of the PAN was a strategic movement of the radical PAN bloc with messages to the rest of the PAN and especially to the neoliberal salinista-PAN PRI and the neoliberalized PRD in frank dialogue –according to the book by Jesús Ortega Martínez– with liberalism. In this political game, the strategic movements of President López Obrador should also be read: the Mexican embassy in Spain from Vox to the PRI governor Quirino Ordaz Coppel and some federal position to the Nayaritian PAN governor Armendariz, who arrived as a candidate of the PAN, PRD, PT and a local socialist party. Spain's diplomatic decision plays out on many fields: the PRI has always been the party idealized by the non-Marxist Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and an ally of the United We Can Party, both with a marked progressive populist tendency. Although it should not be read as an automatic movement, the fact that Vox has landed in the Mexican PAN as the ideological axis for the opposition-business-rightist alliance of 2024 is part of the context. The Spanish government would deal with a PRI ambassador - if the PRI endorses it and Madrid gives its approval a posteriori — as a representative of the uncomfortable government of López Obrador. The extreme right of the PAN with Vox comes from a historical strategic line known as Intermarium, an international anti-communist project (https://indicadorpolitico.com.mx/?p=10332) linked to the right of the Catholic Church and born in post-communist Poland to eradicate the Soviet remnants. The PAN (https://indicadorpolitico.com.mx/?p=1248) was born with the support and influence of Plutarco Elías Calles, already crushed by President Lázaro Cárdenas and his project of utopian socialism of a monopoly state. After the assault on the PAN by the northern business groups of José Angel Conchello (1972-1975, against Echeverría), Manuel J. Clouthier (1982-1988, against the expropriation of the bank) and Luis H. Alvarez (1987-1993, with the alliance with the anti-state Salinista neoliberalism), the right wing of the PAN was disappointed with the PAN's PRI of Fox and Calderón and the PAN as the revolving door for the return of the PRI to the presidency in 2012. Today the PAN appears as the articulating body of the right-wing groups that have swarmed in the PRI political regime of revolutionary nationalism: the Yunque, the WALL of Diego Fernández de Cevallos, the Tecos de Guadalajara, the Mexican Catholic Association of the church in the sixties as a pivot against the effect in Mexico of the Cuban Revolution (the novel Redil de Ovejas by Vicente Leñero portrays that time), the Association of Parents today in the PRI-PAN-PRD-Coparmex Alliance, the remnants of the nonexistent Democratic Party Me Xican as a synarchist refuge, the old Nazi formations asleep in the folds of the PAN and the American foundations financing the Mexican right. The conservative Catholic Church made an attempt to articulate the alliance with the PAN in 1984 with PAN businessmen and the pivot of the Reaganian ambassador John Gavin, but the religious reform of Salinas in its neoliberal market model deactivated the right-wing figures in Puebla. , DF and Guadalajara and the ecumenism of the Salinas Ernesto Corripio Ahumada deflated the ideological struggle, even without attacking the use of condoms and now only lukewarmly fighting against the decriminalization of abortion. In this context, the presence of Vox in the PAN was not a political error or a bad decision by some fifth-level PAN player. In fact, he has already defined the PAN's strategic line for 2024 and the Salinas PRI and the neoliberalized PRD will have no other way than to accept it because it is part of the polarizing approach of President López Obrador.

Politics for dummies: Politics is measured by denials.

National Action and the Dark Marketing in Puebla

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Various electoral and political analyzes offer explanations for the results of the past June 2; However, after several months of partisan competition and pragmatism of the factions, discredit and bad intentions appear as common elements in such exercises. Lamentable has been the partisan role of some academics and election analysts to misinterpret the day in which Luis Miguel Barbosa was the winner. Criticism and rational study is over, anger, classism and racial intolerance remain.

The hypothesis posited by the urban-rural dichotomy to point out that the green-peasant vote won Barbosa, ends by concluding: "only the poor, assholes and marijuana vote for Morena." The anachronism of such ideas demonstrates the loss that resentment provokes.

The effect of hate campaigns has been demonstrated throughout human history. Two examples are convincing because of the temporal proximity and the evidence: anti-Semitism and anti-communism. Most of the twentieth century was occupied by these phenomena and the European and then global hell, are proof that nobody learns.

In Mexico during 2006 we had one of the most radical hate campaigns that can be remembered. For Roger Bartra, the country experienced a social conflict that was consigned as a "fracture", an element that may imply a fragmentation or fissure of the social fabric and that, from his perspective, can place the country in a civil war. The struggle between political tendencies became radicalized since López Obrador was targeted as a presidential candidate and ended with a spurious Federal Executive who had to govern sitting on the bayonets and mounted the blood railway that could not be stopped.

When the terrible twentieth century is debated and the causes that started the European civil war that later became global are sought, the hate promoted by the right and, particularly, Catholic Christianity appears. The historiography has built a more or less general explanation, the Holy See promoted fascism to recover the hegemony lost by the loss of the pontifical territories and built the myth of the Communist Masonic Judeo conspiracy. Hell broke out and the twentieth century is the main shame of modernity and European civilization. Incredible as it may seem, that was the goal.

Faced with this, the right always exonerates itself in two ways: denying the facts and manifesting a revisionism; in this way, he argues the non-existence of the Holocaust and justifies the violence unleashed as a reaction to the "Red Terror" for all the utopian and radical ideas he promoted. Hate campaigns generate an alienation that can turn into an uncontrollable violence where the goal is to attack and cause the greatest possible damage.

The infamous power of the dark campaigns is more than proven. The collaboration of the German people with Adolf Hitler, as well as other Catholic nations in Europe, has been studied from the standpoints of mass psychology and reflects that, under certain circumstances, the Lucifer Syndrome can awaken in any age and person.

The hate campaigns, dark marketing, that are beginning to be the feature of National Action, frame this party in the configuration of the European extreme right, particularly anti-Russian, anti-immigrant, aporophobic, anti-feminist and neo-Nazi.

The failure of political representation is the responsibility of all parties. Even from the PAN. What plays Enrique Cárdenas who is first in MORENA, then he is a citizen and, despite being the most successful critic of the Morenovallismo, must assume his inheritance in the PAN brand? If the PAN electorate were the conservative middle classes, as they say, the State would not be one of the poorest in the republic. Puebla is not just the commercial area of ​​Angelópolis or the "Barcelona" of Cholula.

Hate campaigns must be conjured and it is necessary to boost the responsibility of politicians. For this type of campaign, do you spend so much money? With these meager electoral results, do you have to continue funding political parties? Do you have to pay with public resources for rancor campaigns that seek confrontation among Mexicans?

It is a time of peace and work in Puebla; They are more productive than hatred and rancor. Mexico faces a peculiar situation now, the supremacist Trump has put a serious crossroads, hopefully the right does not react like the polkos of the 19th century.

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review from Elio Masferrer Kan

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. 

A Book Review from Elio Masferrer Kan

https://soundcloud.com/diegomartnv5/the-mexican-right-in-the-twentieth-century-a-book-review-from-elio-masferrer-kan

Unkept promises

Unkept promises
December 21, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/12/21/Promesas-Incumplidas?fbclid=IwAR2i6d5ct10xYsLw_jW0gly2jTKJ6B5tpKkkm6WtgPct_GLM4CtfEx4k_RA

The political concertacesiones evidence the limits of the fourth transformation. There is a comparison between Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Francisco I. Madero that may have a similar result: the conviction regarding a moral leadership as a sufficient element to change Mexico. There is no doubt that both characters have made the deepest and most honest diagnoses in relation to the national situation; However, as Catherine Mansell points out, they reflect a noble spirit that refuses to assert itself in the matter.

The people abandoned Francisco I. Madero when he entered the labyrinth of political indecision. Sometimes it is thought that Madero was the apostle of democracy that Mexico did not understand. It is difficult to believe that in the days of the Tragic Tenth no contingent came to his aid. Other occasions, one comes to consider that Madero was an enlightened one whose immolation would awaken the true national spirit; However, the martyrdom of the caudillo ended up causing enormous suffering. Will the revolutionary Quijote project ever be understood? Society moved away when the Maderismo sought its benefit and the licensing of the real agents of social transformation. That is why General Emiliano Zapata pronounced the Plan of Ayala and his metaphysical odyssey will ride the first year of this six-year term.

The utopia of a just, legal, democratic and peaceful Mexico has found a wall in the ambivalent mode of some distinguished members of MORENA who corral the main changes in the configuration of the new regime. Emilio Olivier Fernandez affirmed that Mexican politics only knows how to conjugate a verb: early morning. And that is what they are doing to the fourth transformation.

MORENA comes to power with the structural weakness of change without rupture. The Maderismo could not govern and generated a revolution that took everything: the good and the bad. It took the Official Party more than thirty years to consolidate to "blood and fire" the discipline of a Revolutionary Family as well as institutions. The collaborative factionalism was not democratic, but it established a governability and control that, nevertheless, generated a healthy partisan behavior to the political system; at least, even before the neoliberal arrival.

The divisions, leadership, conflicts and opportunism within MORENA will result in situations such as those of the Judiciary, the Senate and local governments. The fourth transformation faces disciplined, institutionalized organizations, consolidated in a series of prejudices and habits that are forming a serious opposition willing to conquer the legislative power, the states and the presidency of the republic; before the end of the sexennium. MORENA is limited to MORENA, in the membership of the movement there are many contradictions -properties of the left-; but, also, derived from opportunism and internal betrayals more than the charismatic leader, the people who supported the fourth transformation. At this rate, society will be in the worst orphanage and the state of violence will be permanent.

AMLO's eschatology begins to crash into reality. The pricomunistas, political turncoats, reborn and organic intellectuals who affirmed themselves as the militia of the national regeneration, are preferring the nicodemicas relations with the powers that be. The high expectations that led to a certain political option implied a break and; Paradoxically, the Morenoites are selecting the opposite.

In the first weeks of the new government, distinguished members of Morena have shown the worst mood of conspiracy and pragmatism, they forget the cost of disappointments and betrayals. Neither utopian nor pragmatic, Mexico needs a capable, strong, competent, nationalist and coherent government. Without results, without partisan discipline, without true loyalty to the People, the lopezobradorismo will become a Church without believers and the country now will be on the cliff. Governance requires decisions, a thermidor that shapes a new Mexico and removes the pathologies that overwhelm our society.

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. A Book Review 

Dr. José Antonio Alonso Herrero y Dr. Jorge Vidal Urrutia

BUAP 

The Mexican right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival. Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (Coordinators): BUAP-PROFMEX-Montiel & Soriano Editores. 2017, 254 pp.

ISBN: 978-607-7512-77-6 and ISBN: 978-607-525-465-4

http://www.profmex.org/ciclosytendencias/vinculos/La_Derecha_Mexicana_en_el_Siglo_XX.pdf

La derecha mexicana en el siglo XX. Agonía, transformación y supervivencia. Xóchitl Patricia Campos López y Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero (Coordinadores): BUAP-PROFMEX-Montiel & Soriano Editores. 2017, 254 pp. 

ISBN: 978-607-7512-77-6  y  ISBN: 978-607-525-465-4

1. Dr. José Antonio Alonso Herrero

Profesor Investigador del Instituto de Ciencias del Gobierno BUAP

Research Professor of the Government Sciences Institute BUAP
https://www.academia.edu/39891147/La_derecha_mexicana_en_el_siglo_XX_Agon%C3%ADa_Transformaci%C3%B3n_y_supervivencia_1

This publication represents, in my opinion, one of the definitive advances to understand and interpret the current relationship between the Mexican political system and the Roman Catholic Church. Several articles analyze in depth and supported in a vast bibliography such crucial issues as the cult of Christ the King, the Cristiada, the assassination of the Jesuit Miguel Agustín Pro in the context of the main political-religious groupings in Mexico. In the third part highlights the chapter dedicated to the vicissitudes of Mexican fascism along with the Hispanic Heritage of Manuel Gómez Morín. Finally, Xóchitl Patricia Campos López and Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero -coordinators of the volume- analyze two topics of undeniable topicality: conservative feminism and the National Action Party, graphically described as THE CONSERVATIVE SMURF.

In the preface, it is rightly pointed out that in order to penetrate the tangled political jungle of Mexico, it is necessary to remember the great heterogeneity of the Mexican left, as well as the socio-political hedge of the right. The distinctive note are the articles included in the abundant and varied bibliography, on which the authors base their statements, and the clarity with which they present their varied theses. An essential article to understand the confusing current approach of the relations of the Mexican Government with the Holy See is the article by Elio Masferrer, in which he analyzes the control - not only religious - exercised by the Inquisition during the Colony. He then goes deeper into the analysis of the different historical periods: Independence, the 1930s and the contemporary Spanish political-religious situation. In order to understand "the strategic responses of the Catholic Church", as Elio Masferrer affirms, this author aptly quotes the funeral note published in memory of ex-Girolamo Prigione:

"Against what many think that Mexico gave everything and did not ask for anything, in
there really was not much to give or ask. However, Salinas
(the president) put a condition. That Miguel Hidalgo and José María
Morelos were redeemed from their excommunication. Girolamo Prigione, as
apostolic delegate, he proposed it to Pope John Paul II, who took it to
his canons, as his lawyers are called. The matter was studied and
They found a happy solution. Bishop Manuel Abad y Queipo was a
son had out of wedlock and that prevented him from being a bishop. A) Yes
that he only had the appointment of provisional bishop, but not definitive. Y
excommunication requires a definitive episcopal appointment. So,
therefore, Hidalgo and Morelos were never excommunicated and did not require
they would redeem. "

A second article also essential for the same purpose is the one dedicated to "The Faithful Spain", in which the concept of Hispanidad is analyzed as a generator of "authentic Hispanism". This admirable synthesis of "Mexicanness" and "Hispanicness" forged by Manuel Gómez Morín is crucial to understand the ideological development of the Mexican right. Fundamental factor, as the authors underline, to understand "the cultural and spiritual community between Spain and its colonies."

What would be the final evaluation that is imposed upon the conclusion of the reading of all the articles? A first evaluation is found in the preface written by Samuel Schmidt, James W. Wilkie and Edna Monzón Wilkie. We do not pretend to formulate a critical opinion of such lucid evaluations, but we do not hesitate to agree with these authors when they indicate that "this book is important because it allows us to study the origin and evolution of the political forces prevailing in Mexico."

It should be emphasized that the authors of the various chapters have described and deepened a political-religious theme in a creative and well-documented manner. This confirms the opinion of these three authors when affirming (ibid: 24) that "Patricia and Diego show us that there is not a single historical truth and that there is still much to be discovered and explained about the rights in Mexico".

Affirmation very understandable and acceptable. But, for our part, we allow ourselves to indicate that the accurate historical considerations directed towards the end towards "The Priista Smurf" (El Pitufo Priista) offer us, at the same time, an objective basis for deepening the "Vatican Smurf." They are two 'Smurfs' intimately connected for centuries. In Mexico we already have an abundant historical research on the relationships maintained for two centuries by these two politico-religious entities. It is time, to conclude, for the researchers to delve into the structural characteristics of the Vatican State capable of granting, preventing and reformulating apparently ecclesiastical distinctions, but which penetrate and configure the intimate historical structure of countries such as Mexico and Spain. 

2. Dr. Jorge Vidal Urrutia
Profesor Investigador de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la BUAP 
Research Professor of the Faculty of Law and Social Sciences of the BUAP
https://www.academia.edu/39891148/La_derecha_mexicana_en_el_siglo_XX_Agon%C3%ADa_transformaci%C3%B3n_y_supervivencia_2

After the National Action Party rise to presidential power in 2000, a style of political activism that has operated in Mexico for more than a century was unveiled. The work of Álvaro Delgado entitled "The Anvil. The far right in power" (2003), was a watershed to understand the reconfiguration that had different actors who managed to converge with traditionalism, conservatism, religiosity, etc., to give rise to what can be defined as the Mexican right.

The discussion in Mexico on the right is already decimonial, if we go back to the discussion of authors like Hale (1982) we will know that the political and ideological role of the representatives of the same have transcended since the 19th century, heirs of a Mexico that did not end to distinguish beyond conservative liberalism of the nineteenth century.

The Mexican Right in the twentieth century. Agony, transformation and survival (2017) comes to be subscribed in the discussion, which to this day is latent in national history, about groups of past and contemporary conservatism. The text recovers the memory - still alive - of many characters forgotten by history and ignored for being in the disagreement of the great men of the revolutionary period; nevertheless, they are real architects of the change and Mexican political transformation.

Divided into 4 parts the text takes us through a first discussion and approach to the concepts and categories of what is called symbolic representation with the contributions of compilers and national researchers Cesar Cansino and Elio Masferrer, important in this section to observe the Mexican ideological compass (Cancino, 2017: 44) to size and locate the range of topics on the Mexican right. In the second part, the cult of Christ the King in the moments of Mexican nationalism during the first half of the 20th century, as well as the religious themes linked to the peasant movements of that historical period of the nation; It gives an account of the formation of Mexican ultra-right groups and of characters still little known in history such as Miguel Agustín Pro. In the third part and as political alternatives of the Mexican right, we explain the set of fascist expressions of these social components of the right, like José Vasconcelos himself, led to sympathize with Nazism, the Hispanic heritage of Gómez Morin, as well as the description of the activism of discrete groups of the caliber of MURO, Yunque and Tecos, made by Gerardo Lozada and Hervey Rivera; in the fourth and final part the work leaves the slopes where the right can reconfigure itself in the present, through the phenomenon of Conservative Feminism headed by Margarita Zavala, and the role of the "Priista Smurf"; which reveals the power relationship that led the PAN to collaborate with the regime's party that was antagonistic since its creation in 1939.

The work coordinated by Xóchitl Patricia and Diego Martín, is a serious example of the symbolic reconfiguration and political praxis that the right wing had in Mexico during the 20th century, through a fine collaboration of academics. From the beginning the work highlights the interview with James W. Wilkie and Edna Monzón Wilkie, on the part of Samuel Schmidt to rescue through the thought of Manuel Gómez Morin the ideological bases that constituted the PAN.

The work of recovery and hermeneutic analysis of the work, the handling of documentary sources not widely disseminated in the national and regional scope, as well as the exploration of topics such as ultra-right groups and their involvement in alternative projects of the nation is the hallmark of originality of This product of academic research that also speaks of a dynamic and historical social inertias in many parts of contemporary Mexico, which are still awaiting new epistemological approaches with which to observe the transformation and survival of the Mexican right, the intensification of the authors was to gather different contributions to make a formal analysis that would lead us to think about the different types of conservatives and rights in our country.

Delgado, A. (2003). The anvil. The extreme right in power. Mexico: Plaza and Janés.
Hale, C. (1982). Mexican Liberalism in the time of Mora. Mexico. Ed. Siglo XXI

México: Fourth Transformation and Complex Thought

México: Fourth Transformation and Complex Thought
September 24, 2018
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/09/24/Cuarta-Transformaci%C3%B3n-y-Pensamiento-Complejo

Modern thought is iconoclastic and aims to desacralize elements at every moment. The axiom of the death of God did not mean the disappearance of spiritual and metaphysical needs but the loss of centrality that religious institutions contained, at least, in Western culture. Thus, the march of secularization -dialéctica and infinita- began, where the history and freedom of man wander. Each destroyed paradigm is followed by a period of free will that articulates a temporal model to understand, conscientize and explain reality. Disacralizing is breaking monopolies, socializing knowledge, and building new interpretations. Evolution demands change.

A new "rebellion of the masses" is approaching in the world and in Mexico it was peacefully implemented in the elections that formed one of the most significant alternations of national history. What lost centrality in Mexico? What was desacralized? Neoliberalism, technocracy, entrepreneurs and PRIANRD. The Conservative Modernity was exhausted to give way to an Innocent Modernity.

Some years ago the educational field was hit by this type of changes. The positivism that generated so much order in the production of Latin American knowledge and lifestyle was replaced by new didactics; Even the positivist approach -which was the Mexican illustration- began to be called "traditionalist pedagogy". During the neoliberal era it was called "educational quality" to imitate the processes that were practiced in private education institutions. During the last thirty years the education of the Mexican Revolution was contravened because it only formed poor and PRI. In private education institutions is where these guidelines of complexity and pluralism are fully taken, from reactionary perspectives you can talk about some models completely feminist or infantile in cases of higher education. Thus, the figure of the teacher has been decentralized and it is horizontal to build a new way of teaching and learning. The same thing has happened to the professor as to the priest: they are no longer legitimate intermediaries between the abstract and the concrete.

In the public education sector it was considered that Edgar Morin's theory of complexity and chaos was promoted to dismantle the role of the teacher as the protagonist of social movements. The student sector was established as the catalyst-proletariat-from the perspective of critical, liberalizing and Marxist educational approaches. Thus, the far right that guided conservative modernity whipped up public education to raise an aspirational individual who managed to live with six thousand pesos a month.

Why did the Millenials vote for MORENA? Is that the model of education based on complexity worked. Edgar Morin became the main public enemy of traditionalist education. Relativism, nihilism, existentialism, complexity, agnosticism, etc., did not come from Antonio Gramsci and Carlos Marx; it was the interests of the neoliberal and business dynamics that were in charge of consolidating it everywhere.

The desacralization of the technocrats, businessmen and neoliberals is now presented and social participation in the design of public policies (participatory budgets-consultations) to build better governance.

In the logic of chaos and complexity, inclusive processes of the greatest diversity and rationality are generated. Nature is sacred, matriarchy, happiness, diversity and alternative. 1968 is the Vietnam of all time.

What does the PRIANRD oligarchy then complain about? It will be that the desacralización implies loss of privileges. The right and far right now are the "Zorro sin cola" and shout their apocalyptic terrorism everywhere. The Rafael Preciado Hernández Foundation, the Mexican Institute of Competitiveness and Puebla represent spaces where the nostalgia for a "Nazi Modernity" implements actions that justify all types of violence. However, the social process that has begun in Mexico does not stop with anything, it only remains to assume the responsibilities and continue to continue.

To the millenarian reaction you need proposals if you long for posterity. National Action has to observe, seriously, the complexity and chaos to which it contributed and formulate adequate responses if it hopes that the statist turn made by the Mexican government will not last long. Trying to innovate the Mexico of the 21st century with the ideas of Traian Romanescu, Maximino Ávila Camacho and Gustavo Díaz Ordaz is impossible.