The defeat of Bartlismo in Puebla

The defeat of Bartlismo in Puebla

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Political transfugismo has undermined the structure of political parties to promote factionalism and cliques as protagonists of the dispute for power. In Puebla, this phenomenon has characterized the electoral alternations and realignments from the Auxiliary Boards to the Executive Power. Factionalism was regularized by the existence of the Official Party (PRI), as soon as its institutionalization and cohesion weakened, personalisms resurfaced and began to recover their influence and hegemony to the detriment not only of the State Party but of government and social institutions.

Avilacamachismo has become one of the preponderant factionalisms in the entity, it is configured as a cacicazgo but it is also a social muégano that involves people, communities, intermediate bodies, educational and religious systems as well as public entities. During PRIATO's trajectory, presidents Adolfo Ruiz Cortínez, Luis Echeverría and Carlos Salinas de Gortari were opposed to the avilacamachista cacique interests by conscience or circumstance. Bartlismo is produced from these conditions, perhaps a clique that could be configured as an opposition bloc to Avilacamachismo given that it achieved government control on two occasions and was outlined as the way through which MORENA could retain ownership of the state executive power. Things have changed and the succession in Puebla is conditioned by the processes that Avilacamachismo is experiencing.

Rafael Moreno Valle tried to establish a Neoavilacamachismo that, linked to the Atlacomulco Group, would rise as a national faction: the Morenovallismo. The elevation was so high that the fall was terrible, but in Puebla the avilacamachista moorings remained solid and Bartlismo has not been able to weaken them, much less break them. Lopezobradorismo, like Cardenismo, has preferred pragmatic coexistence instead of confrontation and this leaves Bartlismo and Morena in the orphanage.

Moreno Valle sought a factionalist emancipation that resulted in conflicts for the Avilacamachismo, the Atlacomulco Group and the PAN against the succession of 2018. Even the Lopezobradorismo considered the alternation in Puebla through the split of the avilacamachistas, the confrontation with the morenovallistas was total and Finally, Morena reached the state government with the connivance of some avilacamachistas and even morenovallistas. Hence, the succession in Puebla follows this canon while Bartlismo and other morenista groups operate in a weakened and ineffective way. Raymundo García García considered Bartlism, in its marine dimension, as a "diminished, parochial, pedestrian, porril, cacique elite, without vision regarding public administration and modernization." There are many similarities with the avilacamachistas, although for some, there are also significant differences. The truth is that in the face of Bart's lack of power, certain followers still preferred integration with the avilacamachismos modernized by morenovallismo. The Bartlismo that was represented with the presidential superdelegation resulted in looting, abuse and inefficiency. The Federal Delegation was the great lost opportunity not only of Bartlism but also of the Fourth Transformation.

Avilacamachismo takes control in Puebla under the consent of Lopezobradorismo, as in the times of General Lázaro Cárdenas. The avilamachista vertex is now represented by the far-right mayor of the capital who, despite the presidential criticism, should not be forgotten that it was the first perspective considered by Morena to confront morenovallismo. The PRIANRD under the route of pragmatic multiparty alliances, as well as a deeply divided Morena party with no preponderant factions in sight, constitutes the ideal path for the Avilacamachista Family -of which the state government is also a part- to remain in the control of the entity.

The dark shadow of Lopezobradorismo, as well as the dark shadow of Cardenismo, makes Puebla one of the most backward states in the country. Social indicators never improve significantly. The cacicazgo is maintained through the provost of other regional, administrative and corporate caciquisms that enjoy full health within the state, the public administration and other social bodies.

What changes in Puebla are the indicators of anomies and pathologies, each six-year period they increase for the benefit of the avilacamachista muégano.

Image 1. Avilacamachismo 

Source.  Pansters, W. G. (1998) Política y poder en Puebla. Formación y ocaso del cacicazgo avilacamachista, 1937-1987. México, D.F. y Puebla: Fondo de Cultura Económica y Benemérita Universidad Autónoma de Puebla

The president and the chiefs

 The president and the chiefs

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

Every day in Mexico the gray zone gains influence, that is, the informal mechanisms that are imposed on the institutions to establish a hybrid of social control. The gray zone (Wil Pansters) is the intermediary offered by certain political actors and operators to solve problems where they are protagonists -cause and effect-; Although they solve little, they manage to stop the demands or, at least, darken the environment to confuse everything. This is how governance has been during the neoliberal era and the democratization that began in the nineties of the last century.

The Mexican State has made use of this gray area to address the problems of drug trafficking, social movements and neo-extractivism, the problem is that the State loses more and more. The federal government has capitulated many spaces and is unable, even, to manage its own engineering.

This situation is representative, says for example Moisés Naim, of the change with respect to the paradigm of power. However, the situation represents the actors of all times: locals versus foreigners, nationalists versus globalists. Depending on the country, the correlation between the elements changes, although in recent times it seems that nations are in permanent defeat.

In the Mexican case, the caciques are representatives of that strange power that is alien to the institutionality. Attached to the motherland, or distant homelands, these characters always question the State and manipulate it, they are advantageous in their particular or local interests and do not contribute to the well-being of the country. They lie when they say that they control the gray area, but their presence in it is real.

Upon the triumph of Vicente Fox, Lorenzo Meyer developed a reflection on the measurement of strength between the Executive and the factual powers of the country. The political scientist warned of the need for control over these actors and the ways in which they manipulated the public administration and the states. Meyer was right, Fox could not control the powers that be and opted for a discreet mutation with them. The country has paid the cost.

In each society, those with the greatest local membership and those from the neighborhood are always going to confront each other. The conflict between globalists and nationalists now takes preponderance in the configuration of the world order.

The porfiriato and priato constituted models of caciquil collaborative factionalism where agreements were respected and common projects were formulated. When cohesion and cooperation waned, the national chief had to exercise intelligent violence to reestablish control. Only in this way was governance established every six years and it became necessary to renew it.

As the transition progressed, the governors and other caciques began to break order. Roberto Madrazo Pintado was perhaps the first governor who confronted the central power and emerged victorious. Henceforth, governance became a disaster and not even with the army collaborative factionalism has been reestablished. Upon the arrival of Ali Baba and his 32 thieves (Andrew Paxman), there was fraud, but no governance.

The transition returned to Mexico at the beginning of the 20th century, it was already happening and, therefore, Carlos Salinas de Gortari ruled like Generals Cárdenas y Calles, and he could not subdue them, he almost ended up ruling as if he had been Carranza.

The iron control of the regional powers is fundamental for the presidential project. Now the governors, mayors and groups allied to them, promote ungovernability and contempt. There can be no better scenario for imperialism that takes advantage of any internal division.

The white, brown, university, religious, rural, urban chiefs, workers, peasants, students, feminists, street workers, etc .; they are being damaged by the attack on corruption. They react because they have never respected the State, they have agreed with it to remain advantageous operators and intermediaries.

The president still has a large base of support, but he has to lead the strikes like Cárdenas did. AMLO, in the course of his project, has forgotten to generate governance and his allies act as enemies not only because of the inconsistency with the 4T but because of the same particular interests that are being formed. The idea that the president is insufficient to generate governance is well known; the party has always been necessary as an extension, binomial and appendix. Lopez Obradorism turns into a church without faithful, before the end of the six-year term! Believers exist because the miracles are many, especially in the pandemic, but without a party the Messiah will end up crucified.

Moreno Valle: Plot against Mexico

Moreno Valle: Plot against Mexico

July 14, 2018

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/07/14/Moreno-Valle-Complot-contra-M%C3%A9xico

FRAUDE ELECTORAL EN PUEBLA 

The poblano cacique responsible for the violence that stained the electoral day in July 2018, has tried to show himself as the "glorious General" that the groups of the Mexican right yearns for. In the new dispute over the leadership of the National Action Party, Moreno Valle brings together the most characteristic cynicism, corruption, violence and classism of the Mexican conservative oligarchy. Moreno Valle seeks to retain Puebla as an economic and political springboard of his future aspirations. His dominion in the entity is based on the structuring of a cacique corporatism that has its origin in the "Pact of Honor and Justice" signed by Maximino Ávila Camacho -Cid Campeador de los Poblanos de Puebla-.

Ernesto Zedillo did not stop Roberto Madrazo, the result was a constant weakness throughout his six years and the rise of the Atlacomulco Group. Zedillo held out against ungovernability every day of his term and needed to hand over power to the opposition to maintain a space of influence. Vicente Fox did not tolerate the Yucatan cacique Cervera Pacheco; However, he let other feudal lords play behind his back, his government was transformed into full impotence. The situation was uncomfortable for both presidents; not to say for others, the Mexican society became a hostage of the powers that be. The feudalism of the governors ended up prostrating the nation.

López Obrador would commit suicide if he does not confront Moreno Valle. AMLO has been victim - like most of the Mexicans -, since always, of the racism, dispossession and terrorism that distinguishes this type of cliques. If Morena and the progressive groups that collaborate with the lopezobradorismo do not focus on stopping the neo-fascist movement that takes place in Puebla under the baton of the Morenovallismo, it is necessary that they prepare then for any scenario: from the assassination to the coup d'état. It is not the first time that the conservative oligarchic groups in Puebla intend to destroy the republic, their opposition to liberal and social advances is systematic, their preference for dictatorial leaders is common and their attitude undemocratic permanent. There is the same experience of Maximino Ávila Camacho who, even after death, kept causing problems until his political group reached the presidency of the republic. If the avilacamachismo had been annihilated in the best way, maybe until October 2, 1968 it would have been avoided.

The neoavilacamachismo brings together the same clerofascist, hispanist, lebanese and huachicolero groups that will do everything possible to make the new government of the country fail. The reactionary Puebla will resign, with all its forces, against Mexico. There is, again, Maximino Ávila Camacho and his Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, the sinister Señor Jenkins and his Smart privatization projects, Pablo Vázquez Vizcaino and his white guards who give testimony and hope to the uncompromising integral Catholicism. Moreno Valle is an expert in destroying democracy, for nothing he valued the trust that the citizenship gave in 2010. He immediately put aside the citizen projects and the good faith of those who voted against the PRI. However, no one can be called naive or deceived; there was the story of an oppressive lineage. Families like this, do not change. Several times we have seen in the contemporary epoch of Puebla the way in which the norms of power are fulfilled; José Alarcón Hernández has been more transparent than any institutionalist political philosopher and electoral philosopher who intends to defend the IEE.

What does López Obrador have to do? It must confront a conservative structure of power, a confessional oligarchy that preserves its lineages and beliefs since colonial times. If Andrés Manuel López Obrador forgets Puebla, this would bring several problems to the country. If, like General Lázaro Cárdenas, allows the neoavilacamachismo to consolidate, it will be setting the tone for the embryo of the conservative ivy to spread again. Not correcting things in Puebla means that soon a Diaz Ordaz comes to the presidency of the republic.

The word of AMLO must be fulfilled in Puebla, Mexico is obliged not to forget the entity. The future of the country demands that cacicazgos such as the Morenovallismo and its cliques be eliminated.

Puebla: Tear my life!

Puebla: Tear my life!

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2018/06/27/Puebla-%C2%A1Arr%C3%A1ncame-la-vida

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Various signs mark the Puebla election in 2018. First, the accounts do not fit; we find a profound distortion between the surveys for the presidency of the republic and those that refer to the governorship in Puebla. The preferences for AMLO in our locality coincide with the broad advantage of MORENA with respect to its closest competitors; however, if the preferences for Luis Miguel Barbosa are observed, there is the appearance of a disadvantage compared to the wife of Rafael Moreno Valle, official candidate of a diverse coalition.

In the second place, it is difficult to understand the perverse game that the morenovallismo disposed in its factions within the state. In Puebla and its municipalities there is extreme competition in the same Morenovallista cliques that are forced to get as many votes as possible for Martha Ericka Alonso; but also, forced to tear themselves apart -to get the municipal presidency. Similar experiences are experienced by some candidates for local and federal deputies.

Puebla is a living example of the place that the failure of politics can reach. The transfuguism that began in the era of Manuel Bartlett Díaz and generated the emigration of many PRI cadres to other political institutes, has degenerated into a partidocracy and de-institutionalization of participation and public administration. Pragmatic multi-party alliances generated an apocalyptic principality. These partisan migrations were interpreted, by some optimists, as the process towards a two-party system; However, pessimism pointed out that this political transvestism indicated the path towards the proliferation of leaderships as they lived in the country during the first years of the regime of the Mexican Revolution.

The Official Party had to "gather" approximately three thousand, among the more than ten thousand, political fractions that were fighting to build a new regime. Over time, the State Party inaugurated a political pact for the circulation of elites. At the end of the hegemonic period of the Revolutionary Family, Mexico found itself without parties, neither political class, nor State. However, the transition to democracy was a fine step for PRIs of all political parties to govern.

The problem is not the PRI as a political institute, the disease is a peculiar style of political leadership in the Mexican political culture: the caciquismo. The Cacique is the true dinosaur of the political transition in Mexico. It can be considered a generous style of patrimonialism; However, it constitutes a hindrance that does not allow the construction of political institutions and, much less, the arrival of liberal democracy.

Puebla allowed the architecture of one of the longest-lived and shameful chiefdoms in the history of Mexico: the avilacamachismo. The conservative nature of the entity did not allow the revolutionary, social and liberal spirit to settle in their territories. The "May 5" is only a mythologema without any consequence, it is more significant the contribution to found "El Yunque", point of reference of the Ibero-American extreme right. Conservatism and caciquism are the lanes through which local history has been conducted and manifested.

A crime poet has always pointed out to me that writers are more authentic and successful in explaining Puebla politics than many social scientists. He is absolutely right. It is enough a good novel -of the several that exist- as an aleph, to see the past, the present and the future of our society. The Pact of Honor and Justice has not moved a bit since the time of Maximinus, the subscribers remain encumbrados and cohesive. There are the same characters, playing the role that corresponds to them: Gunmen disguised as Businessmen and Bankers, Whiskers who play politicians, Foreigners Mafiosi, Bishops who only follow the Gospel of Power, a people who can not find a way to defend themselves and bastardy as a right of blood.

Puebla has always lived in the shadow of Avilacamachismo, it seems unlikely that this will change. The cacique structure survived thanks to the alternation, as understood by those who read the novels; the political scientists were confused and their error deepened the backwardness and injustice in Puebla. The population of Puebla is in the past, the social and economic indicators, the buoyant corruption, the insecurity and the fear let it see. Nor Maximino achieved a context so favorable to Satrapy.

The avilacamachismo prevented that the great social transformations of the Mexican revolution arrived in Puebla, the neoavilacamachismo is doing everything possible to isolate the entity. I hope that the next president of the republic acts as Adolfo Ruiz Cortines and imposes order; even if it comes from the center. It will be necessary to read novels to sharpen the political analysis and stop believing the fantasies of the extreme right: Martha Ericka is not Catalina, much less Carmen Serdán, is the Diaz Ordaz of Maximino Ávila Camacho, an ugly caricature of an oligarchy that will transform it into a monster, as happened with the native of Chalchicomula.