Long Live Populism

 Long Live Populism

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Mexican political culture, in its essence, remains clientelistic and paternalistic.

This means that many citizens still see the State as a source of resources and protection, beyond the principles of representation and democratic participation corresponding to the liberal vision.

Government management, in this framework, is based not only on the implementation of public policies, but also on the survival of marginalized groups, who find in the State and its leaders a way to subsist and maintain their living conditions.

As long as this remains the case, political power in Mexico will be able to remain stable, even in the face of criticism and serious challenges such as U.S. imperialism.

Political culture in Latin America, including Mexico, has historically been populist and caudillo-led, and a mere simulation of U.S. presidentialism.

These characteristics, far from being mere vestiges of the past, remain essential components of the functioning of populist progressive regimes in the region.

In Mexico, populism has remained thriving, adapting to the times and consolidating a system in which the figure of the charismatic leader and the direct relationship with the social base remain fundamental.

Despite the criticisms leveled at the so-called Fourth Transformation, Claudia Sheinbaum's celebration and Morena's advance in this context actually have significant meaning: in a scenario where the opposition fails to offer clear and viable alternatives, the ruling movement continues to advance because it responds to the expectations and basic needs of broad sectors of the population.

Morena's advance and the support for its leaders have a social foundation that cannot be ignored.

Mexican political culture, in its most deeply rooted form, remains sufficient to sustain a system where loyalty and the expectation of immediate benefits prevail over proposals for structural change.

The servitude and vassalage instilled by the Spanish colonial regime—as AMLO states— Although complemented by an authoritarian, indigenous-style political bossism, these are fundamental elements for populist governance.

The opposition, for its part, has yet to offer a convincing project that mobilizes these same roots, allowing populism to remain an effective form of governance in Mexico.

AMLO: The farewell tour

 AMLO: The farewell tour

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

It will be a long time before another president shows such concern and love for marginalized groups. The campaigns will continue to be news; Although it doesn't seem like it, many things no longer depend on López Obrador. After June 2, the president-elect will approve or disapprove the courses of action to follow

In Mexico, history is delimited by six-year periods. López Obrador does not present a geopolitical circumstance like that of General Lázaro Cárdenas and, therefore, it is likely that his cycle will culminate in the next federal administration; as it has been since 1952.

The first day is approaching, as Luis Spota pointed out, and López Obradorism will confront itself to become a Church without faithful.

The president knows this and begins to say goodbye.

The fact constitutes the sign of the door ajar for the new messiah to enter Olympus.

In Puebla, the president uses revolutionary nationalism as the guide that nourished his political school.

Everything he stated is true, but only in his six-year term. He who comes will find his own path.

Society, the common people, knows it and feels the nostalgia along with it.

Although the paraphernalia of the campaigns is in full swing, people approach López Obrador to say goodbye to him and express their solidarity in the final stage of his mandate. Popular history affirms that governments like this are not common.

This is perhaps why the social farewell is authentic.

It will be a long time before another president shows such concern and love for marginalized groups. The campaigns will continue to be news; Although it doesn't seem like it, many things no longer depend on López Obrador.

After June 2, the president-elect will approve or disapprove the courses of action to be followed.

AMLO's enemies also raise their tone regarding the end of the six-year term, although things will hardly change.

The six-year period of the Fourth Transformation will be evaluated by history, immediate and long-term.

Time will tell if things were used enough and what the mistakes or failures were. What could have happened and did not happen.

If the morenocracy gained recognition against the gueritocracy. López Obrador had the support of the people and corresponded with the collective actors who supported his perspective of the country and worldview of governing.

The other story, the new six-year term, is about to begin. Yankee imperialism does not allow transexenality or continuity, geopolitics outweighs our nationalism.

Claudia Sheinbaum will demonstrate whether or not she was able to take advantage of the dividends of Lopez Obradorism.

People say goodbye to an esteemed and beloved president; despite everything and against many.

That is why they chose him, it was heard saying, so that the Creole oligarchy remembers that the popular actor exists and deep Mexico resists. Goodbye AMLO.

The EZLN and the persistence of Deep Mexico

 The EZLN and the persistence of Deep Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The appearance of the Zapatista Army of National Liberation meant the cancellation of the candidacy of Luis Donaldo Colosio. In one way or another, the guerrilla hurts political candidates because it delegitimizes participation through the institutional means of political struggle and only grants guarantees to the armed means.

Mexico is a country of painful, long-standing inequalities that urgently need to be resolved. The continuation of guerrillas like the EZLN is indicative that the needs of deep Mexico have not been met and, after resorting to all types of means to achieve their attention, the use of weapons to project their demands is considered necessary; Hence, the criticisms of the head of the federal Executive against the EZLN were incomprehensible. Unlike the Mexican narcoterrorists, the Zapatista guerrilla does not have the arsenal to exert violence on a disproportionate scale; On the other hand, the EZLN has been confronted and attacked as the strongest cartel in the country. It's not fair.

The EZLN appeared at a time when Mexican integration with North America seemed logical and immediate. Zapatismo, in these circumstances, has been Cleopatra's nose in Mexican history; More than a hindrance, it is a human and social actor that comes to settle accounts of the past and oblivion and invites us to raise awareness about the path that the Mexican political system has taken.

Indigenous people continue to be the most discriminated against and marginalized social stratum in the country. Mexico remains as it was in the time of Bartolomé de las Casas and the country is not capable of incorporating the original communities. The damage is enormous over time and the reasons are not understood. The storm guerrillas continue to appear to tell us that something is missing in Mexico, that we are not complete on the journey.

The search for effective public policies and an equitable legal framework are also debts of the Fourth Transformation with the indigenous communities, especially when being Mexican constituted one of the main focuses of attention of the current government.

The Fourth Transformation moves to the Center

The Fourth Transformation moves to the Center

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The transfuguism and involvement of different personalities with Morena, although alien to the left-wing ecofeminist progressivism that distinguishes the pure and original networks, has become the main characteristic heading into the 2024 elections.

The situation has been questioned by the media and different analysts, not to mention the former Morena militants themselves who have been harmed by these circumstances.

Zepeda Patterson argues that the climate of polarization is partially causal for this process.

The 4T is not a class struggle, although the liberation of the subaltern sectors – at least in the discourse – was a purpose.

The Mexican State must oscillate between well-being and capitalist liberalism, as the interests of North Americans dictate.

It is unthinkable and impossible for Mexico to oppose the Yankee Empire.

The Mexican Prince resumes his robes, but cannot break the domination of the American Caesar.

Maintain the unity of the country, manage differences; Although the desired national reconciliation does not exist, it is the purpose of a good government.

Despite its contradictions, Morena has achieved it and, to avoid greater interventionism from the United States, the inclusion of moderate actors - even strangers, outsiders or new ones - as well as the formulation of inclusive policies for the Initiative is vital in its political perspective. Private.

Some of the public policies that Morena, and especially AMLO, promoted, will surely remain for another six-year term.

The time necessary for the United States to be able to propose a geopolitics that allows them to better address drug trafficking and emigration.

Not only President López Obrador is responsible for the polarization.

A nation with the history of Mexico is only held on pins and needles and a true process of nationalism would be more detrimental to millions of people.

The hatred and resentment in Mexico are not about social classes but about classes, races, regions and circumstances.

Reconciliation is a longing, but deep down it is impossible. Hence, Morenoist pragmatism has this logic and paradox.

The search for the center is nothing other than the change without rupture of Manuel Camacho Solís, the ad eternum renewal of the pact of domination, the mooring of the anarchist Mexican muégano that for better or worse – according to Escalante Gonzalbo – keeps this country cohesive.

The Presidential Succession in Mexico

 The Presidential Succession in Mexico

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The presentation of the book "Four Bottle Caps and a Bottle Opener" (CEEPS), whose authors are Carlos Ramírez, Alejandro Ramos and Jesús Sánchez, took place on the island of the BUAP Bookstore of the CCU. The presentation was given by Dr. César Cansino and Dr. Humberto Morales, having as moderator Dr. Omar Gallardo.

The historian Humberto Morales pointed out the importance of analyzing the presidential succession of Mexico as a result of the events of the last century. He recommended the need to carry out studies of Networks and Prosopography of the political and economic elites to transcend the description of the power blocks and groups. The work in question was commented as one of the pioneering studies on the internal process of MORENA and highlighted the biography of the main candidates to lead the Committees for the Defense of the Fourth Transformation: Claudia Sheinbaum, Marcelo Ebrard, Ricardo Monreal and Adán Augusto López. He pointed out that Manuel Velasco and other options from the Morenista bloc should be taken into account to have an overview of the process. In analogy with other studies that observe the succession situation, he highlighted the archaeological analysis of covertism, dedazo and PRI culture of power that the text covers. The book will be indispensable in next year's political science and electoral analysis. In the absence of a Nationalist Bourgeoisie, the division of the economic elite predominates, however -says Humberto Morales- the most powerful economic coalition in the country is with AMLO and the traditional oligarchic groups, above all the business elites connected with the PAN right accompany to the Broad Front.

César Cansino reviewed the latest presidential successions, emphasizing that presidents have not been able to openly impose a person. That is, it is always necessary to negotiate with other factors of power. In the same way, he was deeply dismayed by the internal process of the FAM and pointed out that therein lies the old PRI regime due to the vulgar way in which the national leader of the PRI discriminated against a candidate like Beatriz Paredes. It will be the first time that the PRI does not have a candidate for the presidency of the republic. I consider the experience of the Ballotage in other Latin American nations important to counteract the caudillista abuse.

Carlos Ramírez made a broad review of the successions in Mexico until Salinismo and shared details of some occasions in which the president could not completely impose a good successor. He reflected on the permanence of Tapadism in the Mexican political system -at the national and local level- as well as the propaganda use of polls. He highlights the importance of Francisco I. Madero as well as José Revueltas in the configuration of his analytical perspective and that there is a profound absence of characters in the political contest who are firm believers and knowledgeable about the Rule of Law. The author expressed the importance of the constitutional order for democratic consolidation and the way in which this factor represents a debt in the process of Mexican political change. Carlos Ramírez stated that most of the political appointments have been disappointing, he shared countless anecdotes regarding how the presidents regretted the person named as successor. However, he considered that it is healthy that the country invents itself every six years and that this rule regulates authoritarian leadership in Mexico.

The text is available to readers at the BUAP Bookstore and in an electronic version. A work that is important in the final stretch of the six-year term.

MORENA GOES

 MORENA goes

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

How important is the failure of liberal capitalist democracy for Mexican society? These days, different demoscopic studies have been established to demonstrate the social support for Lopezobradorism and the inability of the opposition coalition to show off a competitive political proposal.

According to the interpretation of the electoral topics, it is confirmed that the modernizing and liberal path for the country is closed. Although the immediate past indicated that the possibility of a country project went through three ideas: nationalist, conservative and liberal; the truth is that the latter has died of starvation.

The project of liberal capitalist democracy has been evidenced as a cultural and symbolic montage by the commentocracy, the neoliberal transitological discourse and the golden bureaucracy of the federal government in the fateful years of the Salinista and post-Salinista era.

Like any immaterial and malicious project, it had no positive impact on the Mexican reality.

Neoliberalism made Mexican authoritarianism more informal and chained - enslaved - the country to the United States. The idea of "Wild Liberalism" that equivocally describes what has happened in Mexico, points to the impoverishing factionalism that has prevailed in Mexico since pre-Columbian times and that is configured as an autochthonous anarchism that condemns vulnerability to the outside world.

The fragility of the Mexican political system vis-à-vis the exterior is shown in the failure of the neoliberal project and democracy through competitive elections. The national populist model promoted by MORENA has the legitimate support of the masses and a regional political migration is taking shape that pragmatically gives full strength to the morenista trend towards 2024.

Whoever aspires to exercise political leadership cannot but get involved with Morena and, suddenly, such a condition sounds excessive because it revitalizes the Mexican clientelist culture to the extreme.

The neoliberal discourse of the democratic transition failed because it had neither impact nor leverage. Because it did not promote a true liberal culture -civic, not savage-, it did not close the gaps of inequality and it did not strengthen the nation state.

The institutions of the Mexican State were riddled with bullets by the neoliberals and thus ended up creating the lopezobradorismo.

Now neoliberalism is associated with the conservative project, but it does not leave the technocratic, legaloid, civil and economic discourse; now also anti-communist, generally false, who cannot increase his electoral chances. How will there be different results if they want to do the same in these years?

The tragedy of neoliberalism drags with it Mexican liberalism and tries to fold it into a Chilean or North American-style neoconservatism. Liberalism has the task of returning to Juarismo and rescuing the vision that the enlightened generation of 1857 had for the country. The

The nationalist vision is also open to liberalism, but it must avoid the outbursts that divided the caudillismo and the constitutionalist perspective; With this, as can be seen in the Porfirian dictatorship, only the chaplaincy triumphs and, sometimes, we all lose.

The perspective of autonomous and decentralized organizations in the 4T

 The perspective of autonomous and decentralized organizations in the 4T

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The history of the neoliberal era in Mexico could have a prologue that states: "Once upon a time there was a State...,". As much as liberal democrat political scientists raise the issue of transparency, civil society, public sphere and human rights, etc.; as a conquest of the neoliberalist stage, the truth is that the indicators and the popular conscience do not allow them to lie anymore. The international organizations that measure the quality of democracy, governance and human development have been there for more than a decade. The destruction of the State in Mexico corresponds to neoliberalism. David Collier, Menno Vellinga and Guillermo O'Donnell each built compilations during these decades to talk about the paradigm shift that the state conception of the neoliberals meant.

When President Vicente Fox pointed out that the country could be managed like a company, this reflected the managerial and economic vision that was adopted to build public policies from the vantage points of the new public administration (for example: Ramón Muñoz Gutiérrez, Eduardo Sojo and Ernesto Derbez). The managerial perspective, like the technocratic one, was a resounding failure. The Mexican State cannot be rebuilt if the intention is to destroy it.

In accordance with the basic notes of constitutional law and political science, the government headed by Morena and the Fourth Transformation are rebuilding the State, although due to the historical gap this is a setback for some clueless people, or else, the consolidation of Bolivarian Chavismo.

The State is the legal, political, economic and even ideological configuration; that a society chooses to coexist and govern itself. Autonomous organizations and civil society do not appear anywhere in the classical theory of the state. The islands that the neoliberals developed to maintain an influence do not protect society at all, they only constitute a distinctive element of the Welfare State for the oligarchy that the members of the red circle and organic intellectuals of the business and religious right yearn for.

The social doctrine of the Catholic Church must be put into dialogue with Carl Schmitt, who they love. Is that the State that PRIANRD wants?

The Mexican State has faced its enemies since the Constitution of 1857 and, mainly, the Constitution of 1917. Neither the INE nor the INAI are indispensable for the Mexican State. Defending the juarista and revolutionary spirit of the positivist constructs that give us homeland and freedom, is the task that deserves to be highlighted.

Biden: The real good old boy

 Biden: The real good old boy

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The president of the United States of America implemented a strategy to standardize his government with the great figure of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the New Deal. In the campaign, Biden decided to use less radical motivating concepts of unity and reconstruction than Donald Trump and with this he achieved the title of the US executive power against ultra-Christian conservative nationalism. The rhetoric of conciliation, employment, inclusion, equality, communitarianism and liberal progressivism was more powerful in an Electoral College destined to preserve the aristocratic sense of North American democracy.

Even though the polls generate an adverse climate for the Joe Biden administration, it is important to analyze the conduct of the US electoral system. The idea that whoever has the popular vote does not always reach the support of the electoral commissioners is a warning for political moderation and campaign prominence. Donald Trump is right in several critical aspects focused on the Yankee pentagonist, financial and imperialist monster; but his proposals are neither rational nor common sense in a historical moment like the one humanity and his country are experiencing. Trump has exposed the oligarchic interests that the gringo Leviathan represents; however, he does not have a public agenda to replace the military financial industrial complex, nor the bureaucratic giant of public administration. The power of his government was demonstrated in the presidency in charge of him.

Hence, Joe Biden, with his attempt to reflect Roosevelt -the old man-, but with greater prudence and wisdom, represents the lesser evil for the inner circle of the American political system. The so-called "Deep State" of the United States understands that if Donald Trump wins this time they cannot deceive or disobey him. Trump intends to arrive as an Alexander the Great who breaks the knots of public administration and federalism, even if this means dividing the American Union and giving rise to the nine historic nations.

The last Democratic administrations have been unfair to Mexico, they are right in considering that the obligation of order corresponds to the Mexican government itself. However, the Mexican neighborhood affects them more because of their stubbornness in neglecting colonialism. Mexico cannot govern itself because it depends, for better or for worse, on the United States.

To Franklin D. Roosevelt, Mexico owes the notion of a bureaucratic rationality in the construction of the Welfare State. Cardenismo and Avilacamachismo constitute a bridge of Mexican governability and connection to the national security of the United States. However, Mexico cannot grow at the rate of the United States. The political control of the country also generated a gradualism in its evolution

Developmentalism and neoliberalism considered that things could be done faster, the error is probably found in the ephebocratic impulse of some moments.

Despite the contradictions between Mexico and the United States for now, AMLO promoted the metapolitical figure of FDR to make American power aware of the need to moderate financial liberalism and nationalist conservatism. When you think about the post-war period of history until the decades of the utopian imagination in the 20th century, things were probably quite regulated, however, the ruling gerontocracy made positive decisions so that humanity did not exterminate itself. That democratic nostalgia that Anne Applebaum talks about probably refers to those years when Nazism, neoliberalism and libertarianism were as controlled as communism. Nixon questioned those leadership styles, but neither Kennedy nor Nixon resembles FDR, Charles de Gaulle, or Adenauer.

Which Roosevelt will the US Electoral College choose this time: the old or the young? Although Trump's diagnosis may be correct on many issues, in reality his style of government presents the traits of the "Peter Pan Syndrome" as dangerous as the extremisms that put the world on the brink of extinction.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt is in fashion and that can change many things in the future of Mexico and the United States. Neoliberal nostalgia lies in not weighing its failure properly and recognizing the importance of public order, while the compass is lost for uncivilized liberals, radicalism will advance to the living room and dining room.

Although the magnetism of López Obrador also attracts Donald Trump, and the character considers him his “socialist friend”, the missiles are a point of advance over the wall and, in serious politics, these data cannot be ignored. Which Roosevelt is the favorite of the PRIANRD? Isn't it time to address the ideas of Ken Salazar and Jesús Reyes Heroles?

Probably the bad electoral trends that mark the Democratic Party in the next midterm elections and, above all, presidential elections in the United States, are the hidden purpose of AMLO's visit to North America. Either Biden and the Democrats agree with AMLO to take the Latino vote, or Trump - despite his anti-Mexican propaganda - makes friends with López Obrador's common sense and reinstates the empirical conservative nationalism that brings order despite the Yankee financial and Hollywood aristocracy.

The Morenoist creed in the White House has echoes for the Democratic Party and, particularly, for Joe Biden. The North American oligarchy wants progressive individuals linked to Obama, Kamala Harris or the Clintons as Democratic candidates. But what if Biden plays Franklin D. Roosevelt to stop the untimely Donald Trump – also similar to Roosevelt but called Theodore? Hence the patience - albeit brief - of sleepy Joe and the Yankee establishment's concessions to Amlo's populist expressions.

The success of López Obrador is reflected in the approval of US geopolitics to keep Ken Salazar, approve the legitimacy and magnetism that AMLO accumulates in his social bases, and pay attention to a Mexican agenda to provide results for ordinary people. In addition to gasoline, Americans can come to Mexico to get contraceptives and other things. If Mexico becomes the store across the street -which always has something more-, the vocation of narco-republic assigned by Zbigniew Brzeziski may be forgotten.

The polarization in North American society that derives from the economic crisis throughout the world can lead to Donald Trump attaining political power and implanting a radical conservatism that puts the civil liberties and rights of that country at risk. Within the framework of the AMLO-Biden meeting, it should be noted that the visit of the Mexican president is a support for the influence of the Democratic Party in its conquest of the Latino vote. Likewise, Biden is promoting a welfare state project based on common sense, also important in Anglo-Saxon empiricism. If Donald Trump is so successful, it is because he has added WASP nationalism to common sense, and that is dangerous for North American liberal hegemony, not to mention for plural progressive conquests.

Trump's conservative nationalism is becoming a valuable reference for marginalized and vulnerable Anglo-Saxon groups, Trump is obvious and that is why he seems more honest than the Democrats; but he is also a geopolitician who wants to return to exceptionalism and regional dominance, which would put the Republicans for a long time in the presidency of the United States and in other bastions of power -as has been the case in the judiciary-. If the Republicans and Trump win heading into 2024, will the Democrats ever return?

Ambassador Ken Salazar has recommended that critics of López Obrador in Mexico stop confronting AMLO and help him govern. Could it be that Joe Biden understood the practical advice?

Donald Trump, with everything and his anti-Mexicanism, also managed to get along with AMLO, calling him his “socialist friend” in the days before the meeting with Harris and Biden. Is AMLO the faithful of the balance in the conquest of the Latino vote in the US? Most likely not, but it is important to point out that the crisis of liberalism is raising the need to use common sense in politics, respect it, dignify it, even in Darwinism people expect something from their authorities to survive a little longer. It is not populism but humanism, mercy, what the people of the powerful are asking for. Before they are encouraged to perform other actions, because it no longer makes sense to conserve life.

AMLO's triumph is political, at least it reaffirms his support in Mexico and he won the arm wrestling against Yankee imperialism. Biden took notes with Morena, as Ken Salazar has suggested.

Economic and social relations will change slowly between the United States and Mexico, but the Mexican issue is becoming more important for the empire every day. It is necessary to change and develop many things so that our country can offer something more than basic services and products to the great Polar Bear. But the elements of the exchange do not depend on the presidents, they advance on their own, like the tacos, tequila, soccer and culture that Huntington and Friedman are so scared of. The Mexican plot goes.

Joke

Two Mexican analysts from the Mexican Institute for Competitiveness (IMCO), comment extremely concerned that people are becoming lopezobradorista.

One says to another:

-My nephew converted to lopezobradorismo

The other answers:

-My daughter and her cousins ​​too. I don't know where we're going to stop

-For more anti-amlo campaigns, nothing else can be done

-You have to go to the US Embassy to receive instructions

At the embassy, ​​​​in charge of the desk -once he has heard their information-, he answers them afflicted:

-Ambassador Ken Salazar also converted to López Obrador. Let's go see Uncle Sam so he can explain to us what's going on.

Once in front of Uncle Sam, the Caesar of the most powerful empire in the world, they point out that the people, the leaders and the North American ambassador become faithful followers of AMLO.

Completely sad and confused, Uncle Sam tells them:

-What can I tell you? My son Joe Biden also became a López Obrador friendly!!!!

The dark shadow of López Obrador in Puebla II

 The dark shadow of López Obrador in Puebla II

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The local press has carried out interesting analyzes regarding the signs left by the visit of President López Obrador during the parade of last Cinco de Mayo. Despite how debatable the ideas of proximity and estrangement between Barbosa and AMLO sound, the truth is that there is little disposition of lopezobradorismo towards the entity. The type of relationship that prevails between Miguel Barbosa and the president of the republic means that the avilacamachista structures remain immovable.

Just as the social base of Gilberto Bosques Saldivar had to go into exile and suffer avilacamachismo, the Pueblan left -if such a complex tribalism can be called that- does not appear in the political spectrum of the entity. López Obrador maintains the Pact of Honor and Justice that continues to make Puebla an island of the old regime.

General Lázaro Cárdenas allowed the avilacamachista provost in the face of terrible impotence during the consolidation of the regime of the Mexican revolution, is the same thing happening now? It seems so because of all the phenomena that it reveals. The succession in Puebla continues to be the PRI of the DF against the local PRI, but always the PRI even if it is about to lose the record. The PRI cliques and cacicazgos enjoy full health in all the political parties and regions of the state. The progressive left of Morena is notable for its absence and those who usurp the label do not stop sabotaging and collapsing the policies of good government.

There are no elements to ensure which PRI faction benefits from AMLO's visit, but it is certain that Morena does not receive any encouragement, quite the contrary.

The shadow of López Obrador prolongs the conflicts that are not resolved with alternation and that the pandemic has deepened. The water crisis, insecurity, femicides, economic monopolies, injustice, chiefdoms, administrative incompetence and authoritarianism, are the daily pages of local politics and everything seems the ideal scenario for the succession to opt for the mayor of the capital. Order, even if it comes from the center.

The Fourth Transformation has no effect in Puebla, like Cardenism. Regional balances, now called feudalisms, may be necessary for national governability, but at the cost of great local suffering: ordinary citizens who find themselves in the crossfire of groups in conflict and orphans facing absolute impunity. Town of demons.

Leave it alone!; sons of bitches!

 Leave it alone!; sons of bitches!

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Holy Week for Christianity is a time of reflection regarding the suffering that the Historical Christ lived for the salvation of humanity. I remember with nostalgia and pain the marches of my community when the Passion of Jesus was plastically represented. On one occasion -observing the torture that the Roman soldiers applied to the Nazarene in the artistic experience- a middle-aged companion shouted angrily: Leave him alone! Sons of Chingada! The expression shook the feelings of the people who accompanied the procession. Between laughter and tears, the cry of the screamer was justified and also the dilemma that the representation had to be violent to convey the human model of the Redeemer. In some theatrical performances, the necessary realism that seeks to print the experience for the audience requires that whoever represents Jesus of Nazareth receive an average of 400 lashes in a walk of approximately 4 kilometers (a madriza worthy of the Holy Christ! ). For this reason, the people who represent the procession of the cross ignore the requests for commiseration that some spectators make in an emotional way. Thus, the Romans in the narrative did not stop and took whoever imitated the character from Bethlehem to Calvary; with the usual beating that -according to the script- distinguishes the evangelical narration.

In many places in Mexico and Latin America, even other latitudes; the evangelizing pedagogy of Holy Week is violent and terrifying. Joan Manuel Serrat questions her in the song that speaks of the Christ of the Gypsies, a friend who shares the food and the party, who drinks wine and dances, who cries for the daily suffering of the people. Neither does Chabela Vargas sing to the character that the Romans punish to death, one of her famous songs pays tribute to the Christ of Palacaguina, the guerrilla who defends himself from the Romans, who frees the poor and takes the merchants out of the temple, reviewing the parable of the Needle and the Camel, also expressed in León Felipe when he said that Christ is the Man, any Man. The Historical Christ is a Revolutionary Man.

The hermeneutics of Holy Week is applicable to various Latin American political systems. Hugo Chávez pointed out, for example, that the oligarchy had the Crucified Christ as a sign of punishment for the dissident principles of the Hispanic Catholic capitalist social order. More than the message of sacrifice for the sins of humanity, the Man on the Cross represents the memory of the imperialist penalty for those who decide to confront them. Hence the gypsy need to lower Jesus del Madero, but not the dead one but the living one, the one who draws the pedagogy of the parables to teach the people to defend themselves, the one who offers a lot of affection and counts for everyone. The Jew who runs everywhere and resembles Friederich Nietzsche's superman Zarathustra, who thinks of transcendental death, but thinks first of the here and now, of building a just social order in earthly life under the realistic awareness of pain, war and fighting.

The tragic fate of the Messiah in Holy Week is the symbolic reference of some nationalist leaders in Latin America. The Church of Peter accepts the sacrifice of Jesus to create an oligarchic imperial order. The axiom has been fulfilled in the six-year history of the Mexican political system: Cardenismo is the best example. General Lázaro Cárdenas experienced a viacrucis during most of his government, the attacks went beyond propaganda and political baseness to become terrorism. And despite the fact that he defended himself and the people from him as the Christ of Palacaguina, he faced the death of the six-year period and the praxis of power that allowed him to modernize the underprivileged classes. The posterity of the federal public administration would never again have a Missionary General (Enrique Krauze) who received, and also granted, a disproportionate number of lashes. Mexico never had another Tata Lázaro, although it continues to pray for his return.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador was conceived, politically, as Messiah. His government has also been a very tough viacrucis. The scourges of the press, the oligarchy and North American imperialism are overwhelming. The indolence and indifference of pro-Yankee Hispanic neoliberal Mexico has no qualification, they want to take the country to war and, given the support of the narco-empire, they are preparing to cross the Rubicon like Roman Caesar: they are Romans, do not try to change them.

Should the Tropical Messiah fulfill the tragic destiny of the mortal God at the end of the six-year term? Although the distance from cardenismo is wide, lopezobradorismo has made superhuman efforts to carry out social equality, gender equity, the rescue of poverty and the recomposition of the State. The actions were more than necessary to rebuild a country that was in a situation of Failed or Supplanted State (Samuel Schmidt), but much is needed to organize the great national problems. The Mexican nomenklatura has sabotaged every modernization project in the country, they are responsible for enforcing the unwritten rules of the political system; above all, the cancellation of the transexennial continuity, the death of the presidential God at the end of his term. The symbolic "non-reelection" of contemporary Mexico has prevented transexennial projects -sometimes necessary-, from defining a modernity for Mexico, a country project different from the moderate colonialism in which the United States locks us up.

The nomenklatura has betrayed each president, even killed him so that the new Messiah can live. However, Mexico needs a transexennial modernizing project that promotes the historical ruptures and social adjustments necessary to balance the political, economic and social spheres. The nomenklatura only wants to remain an employee of the American Caesar.

AMLO and Morena face their Holy Friday in the second half of the presidential term, the Executive knows that it must accelerate its macroprojects and legislative policies if it intends to approach Cardenismo. AMLO has popular support, they approve and defend him, but, although they strongly ask the Romans to stop whipping and torturing the Holy Christ; the Romans do not listen, the representation has to continue and, at the end of the six-year term, the Messiah must die.

General Lázaro Cárdenas del Río accepted the tragic destiny to found a Church, the largest branch of the Revolutionary Family, but which is now distinguished by being a religion without believers and much less priests. Will lopezobradorism also accept metaphysical transcendence to create a Church without believers? Will the Tropical Messiah be crucified forever? In the end, the town always saves Barrabás. Poor towns, saturated with gunmen, chieftaincy, mafia and oligarchy, Sicilianized underemployed communities that only survive because of the slavery of the North American narco-empire. How are they going to defend their Messiah if they don't have weapons or the capacity for militant organization? The imaginary citizenship that Fernando Escalante points out is not a product of populism but of the patrimonialism that the nomenklatura has historically developed,

Perhaps the Tropical Messiah is not the Messiah of Nazareth, it probably has more resemblance to the Messiah of the Desert who did not enter the promised land. López Obrador will sow the strain of a nationalist project that is current and necessary in the future post-Covid world. The unwritten rules of the Mexican political system are ineluctable, they have been fulfilled at the cost of everything. Strong presidents like Lázaro Cárdenas, Carlos Salinas and Luis Echeverría; they could not control the cacique corporatism of Mexico.

Transexennial continuity depends on the Narco-empire, integration with the United States of America must be subject to the argument of the disease called "Failed State", if Mexico falls, so does the United States. The nomenklatura only knows how to misgovern and develop the anomic tendencies of social poverty that its hegemony allows. The sociological pathologies of Sicilianized societies have already spread to North America. The Mexican invasion, which will be the campaign argument in the Republican Party, is no longer planned in Mexican territory but in the south of the United States. The less support for the López Obrador government, the more social pathologies will contaminate the American social order. Mexico is not, nor will it be, the Japan south of the Rio Grande, but it is already a territory under the control of various armed groups that constitute a flank for US national security. The United States has to join the Leave it! Sons of the fuck!

Mexico is an eternal Holy Week

AMLO and the Black Circle

AMLO and the Black Circle

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Pablo González Casanova stated that populism constituted a double-edged weapon of protection for Mexico. On the one hand, it is a force that feeds the acritical attitude of most of the social movements and caciquile regions of the country to the point of almost bursting the fragile order. On the other hand, populism also constitutes an auxiliary factor for the armed forces in national defense against a probable foreign invasion, particularly from the United States.

The militarization of the country confirms that the National Army, a product of the Mexican Revolution, is the true force of governance in Mexico. The complaints about the facade that democracy guards in our presidentialism represent the modernizing liberal frustration that Western evangelical scholars have to experience as a permanent martyrology. Antonio Machado, Denisse Dresser, Jorge Portilla and Juan Linz confirm what Huntington establishes, Latin America is light years away from being Western. With few events in Latin America, it is immediately verified that presidentialism does not work outside the United States, well, almost in no country. Mexican authoritarian presidentialism will never be like US presidentialism. This does not imply a lack of attention in the operation, handling and security of the system. Outside the United States, presidentialism almost always ends in coups.

Mexico sheltered itself from the Latin American presidential dynamics thanks to an Official Party - understood by the concept of military corporatist capacity - that coerced the different political forces to solve the problem of presidential succession and public administration. It was not easy, the Army of the Mexican Revolution faced the imperialism of the Catholic Church and the United States. It did not win, but it did obtain a Pareto balance that provided meager national stability.

In a fictionalized way, Velasco Piña exposes the Mexicanism of the armed forces that develops into a populist and confused revolutionary nationalism, but with an authoritarian clarity that was executed many times to obtain the PRI pax.

The imperial presidency wants to return, although the Official Party no longer exists. Will the Black Circle be able to contain and coerce the PRI cliques that are dispersed in different political parties? Will the Black Circle be able to institutionalize, once again, an Official Party?

That militarism is an inevitable variable in the governance of extra-western countries is an axiom of political science. What militarism is talked about in Mexico regarding the Black Circle? During the PRIATO, the armed forces constituted a defensive bloc against imperialism that obtained a moderate colonialism. There are many coincidences between the Spanish Francoism and the revolutionary nationalism, but also great differences. With its flats, the colonialist pact of the Mexican Army gained greater independence than many cases in the Iberosphere.

The alternation elections caused a decrease in military power. President Felipe Calderón promoted a militarization of the country that ran aground in US geopolitics. Militarization during neoliberalism made Mexico like Colombia. In both cases, the war on drug trafficking has been lost, to the benefit of North America. Both countries are militarized, the Colombian army is more like a US occupation force; what should not happen in Mexico.

Revolutionary nationalism, the strange doctrine that justified the Army of the Mexican Revolution as the backbone of PRIATO, failed to consolidate after World War II. Over time, the centrality of the armed forces, caciquil corporatist populism, and the pragmatism of the ruling class, deteriorated Mexican nationalism, which with the political transition gave up even more. If Mexico is to be an authoritarian democracy, a justification for revolutionary nationalism is indispensable, so that the black circle preserves the legitimacy of organized violence.

AMLO confirms that the center of the Mexican political system is the Army, although it is also important to reflect under what circumstances. The positioning of the Army is done with the tutelage of the United States, it no longer seems the domain of an independent army.

Still, the United States is in total global decline. Mexico is in a position similar to that of the early nineteenth century when the Spanish empire imploded, orphanhood offered the possibility of autonomy and freedom, but the opportunity was wasted for lack of responsibility and cohesion, for lack of a national objective.

Perhaps it is true that the strengthening of the Mexican army is a necessity, the prince must take care of his weapons before his clothing. However, that the strengthening of the armed forces implies the strengthening of the people and not the occupation of the United States informally as occurs in Colombia.

Middle Class. The Latin American Dreyfus

Middle class. The Latin American Dreyfus Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

Responsibility against the middle classes for the failure of government projects is common in Latin America. It is always thought that those responsible for the national unrest are represented by the oligarchies; But sooner or later political groups blame the middle class. Neither the left nor the right create policies for the middle classes because they feel they are far from their fundamental values. In countries where liberal modernization is late and the authoritarian and / or statist path is presented as the only path, this social group is identified as alien and, on many occasions, expelled. Socialists, capitalists and Nazis, they despised the middle class. Populist regimes eventually drive out the middle classes. This has happened in Cuba, Chile, Venezuela, the USSR and Nazi Germany. Precisely the criticisms that the president accused as unfair, racist and classist towards his political model, it seems that he now implements them against the middle classes. From some vantage points, the situation is serious because targeting this social group constitutes significant discrimination and cancels Western-style modernization. The middle class represents a culture, values, ethics and liberal sense different from the marginal and upper classes. During the neoliberal era, it was considered that belonging to the middle class implied receiving a kiss from the devil. Indeed, in countries like Mexico, it is the main unprotected group of modernizing national projects. It only counts on itself. Their lack of spirit, nationalism, defeatism and capacity to drag themselves towards the rest of the population are accused. Nothing is understood about the importance of having a large middle class for stability and democratic consolidation. Democratic nations have focused on consolidating and expanding the middle classes. The middle class is not to blame for anything. They are in a chain of dissatisfaction throughout the country because he has been the main missionary of Western modernization and, perhaps, one of its main victims. The middle classes suffer from the multiple modernizations that Mexico proposes to inhibit westernization and conflict. For several years, the middle classes have been the silent collaborators of the different modernizations and they have all been badly off. When you look at the way the middle class has historically been humiliated throughout history, you find the meaning of populism. Authoritarians have sent them to milk cows, cut sugarcane, get off the production line, teach literacy, delouse, vaccinate, demarcate land, emigrate ... and they always go. Latin American projects oscillate between social extremes, but have never been directed towards the middle classes. AMLO's attack on this social sector is a sign of the capitulation of the 4T against the national oligarchies and the United States. The president's anger with the middle classes is because they do understand that Q4 is gibberish that does not integrate or evolve anything. The president does not choose a liberal or socialist modernizing route, he is opting for the path of informality, corruption, cheerleading, cacicazgo and lax that US imperialism imposes on us. The United States speaks through AMLO: "A country like Mexico does not need professionals or people with graduate degrees. North America, Europe and Asia, yes. We do not want a Japan on the other side of the Rio Grande." In Mexico it is necessary to say, honestly and brutally, if integration with the United States can be formally. That was the route of the Asian Tigers. While Latin American social sciences promote pobretology, in other latitudes the importance of training sectors trained and finding economic gaps for international competition is being analyzed. Asian neoliberalism managed to emancipate itself from the United States thanks to the formation of a working, innovative and skilled middle class. The informality that so much money and wealth generates also develops a number of unquantifiable evils. This gangster capitalism is responsible for America's decline and world Balkanization. The isolationism of the Republicans tried to lessen the situation, the Democrats want to take it to the extreme. The middle class constitutes a positivist righteous desire, perhaps it is the arrival point of the modernizing utopia. In spite of everything, it is the one that represents the evolution and development of a country, it is the one that can take charge of complex modernization processes. The presidential declarations have been unfortunate and painful as they only show the search for scapegoats because the 4T fails to establish itself. There are no political projects for the Latin American middle class, Western modernization fails and everything is conducted as the social extremes and imperialism want it. A Mexico like the one today is only convenient for the United States, the national oligarchy and the usual powers that be, that is the president's pain. But the middle classes are also indispensable in shaping national development. The empire must do the foresight to understand the urgency of consolidating in Mexico a middle power that contains the enormous migratory waves, informal, violent and non-Western that are coming.

The president and the chiefs

 The president and the chiefs

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

Every day in Mexico the gray zone gains influence, that is, the informal mechanisms that are imposed on the institutions to establish a hybrid of social control. The gray zone (Wil Pansters) is the intermediary offered by certain political actors and operators to solve problems where they are protagonists -cause and effect-; Although they solve little, they manage to stop the demands or, at least, darken the environment to confuse everything. This is how governance has been during the neoliberal era and the democratization that began in the nineties of the last century.

The Mexican State has made use of this gray area to address the problems of drug trafficking, social movements and neo-extractivism, the problem is that the State loses more and more. The federal government has capitulated many spaces and is unable, even, to manage its own engineering.

This situation is representative, says for example Moisés Naim, of the change with respect to the paradigm of power. However, the situation represents the actors of all times: locals versus foreigners, nationalists versus globalists. Depending on the country, the correlation between the elements changes, although in recent times it seems that nations are in permanent defeat.

In the Mexican case, the caciques are representatives of that strange power that is alien to the institutionality. Attached to the motherland, or distant homelands, these characters always question the State and manipulate it, they are advantageous in their particular or local interests and do not contribute to the well-being of the country. They lie when they say that they control the gray area, but their presence in it is real.

Upon the triumph of Vicente Fox, Lorenzo Meyer developed a reflection on the measurement of strength between the Executive and the factual powers of the country. The political scientist warned of the need for control over these actors and the ways in which they manipulated the public administration and the states. Meyer was right, Fox could not control the powers that be and opted for a discreet mutation with them. The country has paid the cost.

In each society, those with the greatest local membership and those from the neighborhood are always going to confront each other. The conflict between globalists and nationalists now takes preponderance in the configuration of the world order.

The porfiriato and priato constituted models of caciquil collaborative factionalism where agreements were respected and common projects were formulated. When cohesion and cooperation waned, the national chief had to exercise intelligent violence to reestablish control. Only in this way was governance established every six years and it became necessary to renew it.

As the transition progressed, the governors and other caciques began to break order. Roberto Madrazo Pintado was perhaps the first governor who confronted the central power and emerged victorious. Henceforth, governance became a disaster and not even with the army collaborative factionalism has been reestablished. Upon the arrival of Ali Baba and his 32 thieves (Andrew Paxman), there was fraud, but no governance.

The transition returned to Mexico at the beginning of the 20th century, it was already happening and, therefore, Carlos Salinas de Gortari ruled like Generals Cárdenas y Calles, and he could not subdue them, he almost ended up ruling as if he had been Carranza.

The iron control of the regional powers is fundamental for the presidential project. Now the governors, mayors and groups allied to them, promote ungovernability and contempt. There can be no better scenario for imperialism that takes advantage of any internal division.

The white, brown, university, religious, rural, urban chiefs, workers, peasants, students, feminists, street workers, etc .; they are being damaged by the attack on corruption. They react because they have never respected the State, they have agreed with it to remain advantageous operators and intermediaries.

The president still has a large base of support, but he has to lead the strikes like Cárdenas did. AMLO, in the course of his project, has forgotten to generate governance and his allies act as enemies not only because of the inconsistency with the 4T but because of the same particular interests that are being formed. The idea that the president is insufficient to generate governance is well known; the party has always been necessary as an extension, binomial and appendix. Lopez Obradorism turns into a church without faithful, before the end of the six-year term! Believers exist because the miracles are many, especially in the pandemic, but without a party the Messiah will end up crucified.

If Mexico Falls, the United States Falls

 If Mexico falls, the United States falls

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

There is an abundant literature that shows the historical interventionism of North America to bend governments and communities to its interests. Latin America is a constant example of military, economic, political and social occupation. The pandemic has come to demonstrate total American selfishness and pride.

The incessant media attack, internal and external, on the government of the Mexican Republic is part of the destabilizing American tradition. The United States of America embassy plays the role of being an uncomfortable and dangerous guest. He always betrays the trust of the country where he resides.

The relationship between the Democratic Party and Mexico has been more than unfortunate in recent years. Just remember the results with Jimmy Carter, Bill Clinton and Obama, there is a negative prognosis with Pretty Fly Biden. The Democrats hurt the neighborhood between the United States and Mexico a lot, they promote fruitless and superfluous discrepancies. They call themselves progressives, but they agree with the most caciquile, delinquent and retrograde groups of Mexican politics.

The comparison between Luis Echeverría Álvarez and AMLO is fallacious. Echeverrismo was an authoritarian nationalist capitalism that wanted to gain independence through the international dynamism of the non-aligned. Echeverría, a former LITEMPO collaborator of the CIA, decided to exercise a pragmatic despotism so that the Mexican State could recover from the sporting events to which it was subjected. AMLO is a pigeonholed ruler, trying to restore the State and ensuring that the public administration recovers the minimum of governability. Democratic interventionism wants to take over a country that is on the verge of collapse. Biden is getting more wrong than Trump, he has no agenda for the post-covid world nor is he in charge of the liberal eugenics set in motion. The Welfare State is a necessity for humanity and individualist liberalism must be limited in its anarchic neoliberal elites.

North America ends up paying for the broken dishes of the oligarchies such as the Atlacomulco Group and the Capellonacracia. Between 1994 and 2018, the violence and impoverishment of Mexico has only resulted in emigration and organized crime that have shaped the Mexican and, slowly, American Failed State. During the Salinato, the national government launched a Kemalista project that aimed at leveling and socioeconomic integration, sabotage of Mexico's economic development fueled decades of incremental emigration and drug violence. The unbearable closeness between Mexico and the United States has been fueled by the Democrats to the levels of social explosion.

The end of the Cold War meant the end of imperialist impunity. The behavior of the United States in other regions affects its internal processes. Mexico is a dam to the problems that the south represents, but it can no longer remain in a situation of remote administration or with absolute corruption. AMLO represents the necessary modernization of the South that extends capitalist economic processes to shield North America. Without development in the south of the country, Mexico's problems will lead to Central American and Caribbean dynamics that will make the US systemic threshold unbearable.

What happens if Mexico destabilizes? That the Failed State is contagious to the United States because it is no longer the backyard but the Living Room, what does a Failed United States mean? The dismemberment. The United States is not a Homeland, it is not a Nation but a Corporatist TRUST that is going to dismember as it was configured towards the end of the American Civil War. In the 19th century, the United States saved Mexico and Mexico saved the United States. Jaime Castrejon writes about it, “in 1987 Joel Garreau published a book that has held the interest of scholars during these years: The Nine Nations of North America. His main argument is that we should forget about current maps; The people of North America are naturally splitting into rival power blocs, with separate loyalties, interests, and plans of their own for the future. [...] The nine nations whose seat is not in the concept of the nation-state but in the grouping of similarities and cultural similarities, are: Iron and steel industry in the Northwest, Dixie in the South, Bread Basket in the Midwest. , Chicago and a small strip of Canada; Ecotopia on the north Pacific coast; Mexamérica in New Mexico, California, Texas, Arizona and from Mexico to Panama; New England, in the extreme northwest; Quebec, as a French-speaking country; the Empty Zone, from Colorado to Alaska; and the Islands that comprise part of Florida, Cuba, Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands and the English-speaking Caribbean ”.

AMLO assumed immense presidential power in the worst crisis of political discredit and economic disaster, had to accept pragmatic and immoral alliances for geopolitics. The United States is also on the border of chaos with an immeasurable number of political bombs. Will they continue to heed Zbigniew Brzezinski's vision in a world that no longer belongs to them? Are you sure they all fit in the ships that lead to Mars?

Political Factionalism in Mexico Facing the Shock of the Future

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/el-faccionalismo-pol%C3%ADtico-en-m%C3%A9xico

The North American electoral process has confirmed a dispute that all societies maintain in the face of modernity and continuous progress. Deep down, it remains the same as always, despite the fact that it changes protagonists, flags, contexts and rhetoric: liberals and conservatives. Even though it seemed that the American civil war had settled the point, the characteristics that distinguish the Trump Nation - American Native - show that the North-South divide is still conflicted in some way.

When, how and why progress? The answer depends on the elites and their interests, while society remains on the sidelines, as it can have little influence against the system that is imposed on it. The economic, political and social challenges posed by runaway modernization have pulverized the party system and realigned elites in various countries in search of options to maintain their hegemony. There is no struggle between globalphobics and globalizers but between elites and oligarchies that have chained their interests and companies to one or another project. The masses, but above all the weak and naive middle class, can do little to avoid this dilemma.

John Gray, the skeptical conservative English philosopher, considered, like AMLO - keeping the proper proportions - that the pandemic was going to reorient public policies towards a strengthening of the State and internal economies. It didn't happen like that, it won't happen like that.

While MORENA, or the 4T, or what AMLO understands by Revolutionary Conservative, they try to generate a nationalist capitalism, PRIANRD or México Sí, or FRENAA, or whatever the clerofascists understand by conservative liberalism, they are achieving notable advances with respect to the elections from 2021.

The dilemma of survival in the face of globalization is so serious that the parties have put aside their ideological doctrines and in true leaps of faith have decided to gamble. Factionalism and transfuguism are carried out immorally for all sides. Andrés Oppenheimer, in two simple but illuminating books about the future, warns that the automation and digitization of the world are inevitable. Countries will have to prepare to face competition that is no longer against companies but against humanity itself. The pandemic has locked a large part of human beings on the internet and the other is facing COVID-19 amidst uncertainty. Technology and machines seem to have defeated human beings. Jorge Castañeda, in another old analysis of Japan - as Oppenheimer himself does - considered basic income or minimum social justice policies essential while society assimilates technological advance. The division between technocrats and politicians seems to have lost meaning and a new scheme of techno / optimists and techno / pessimists begins to take on identity.

Schools and teachers are being forced to close technological and social gaps. It is true that contexts are not always suitable for everyone, but; somehow, educational actors adapt to the trends of virtual neoliberalism. In Oppenheimer's text - Who can save himself - we find that digitization will only allow the survival of two jobs: the highly sophisticated and those that can hardly be done by a robot. This assumption is important for thinking about education and how context influences.

Economy and technology imply costs that not everyone can pay, they obey oligarchic interests that seek to maintain their hegemony, but individuals - and sometimes the State as a social contract - must seek options to correct the abuses and defects that this situation generates. Faced with automation and digitization, two types of jobs will survive: 1. Those that are very sophisticated and require permanent training to update themselves, and 2. Jobs that depend on physical skills and resistance that artificial intelligence robots cannot. do. The other jobs will be literally swept away. Hence, becoming aware of the way that technology influences economic development leads to running towards one of the two extremes. That is why education is essential in this process. On the one hand, the issue of soft skills constitutes the only source of survival in an almost apocalyptic context, the school has become an exclusive refuge where people -of any age- will go to recover in mentality, attitudes and aptitudes. Actually, the transmission of knowledge will be less and less in schools and, nevertheless, the fraternity and humanism that distinguish teaching will be the main incentive. For this reason, although schools and teachers may not have the latest technology, they are convergent spaces for training, recovery and formation of social expectations. It is talking about the industrial and financial transformation so serious for people who need to promote resistance, courage and cunning as the essence of the human condition in addition to technological training.

Many jobs have disappeared and will disappear in the face of a hybrid and virtual reality that is increasingly imposed on us in an almost totalitarian way. Education, for the most part, will be hybrid, although for the privileged and not so privileged, it will be informal. Humanity lives a technological, economic, health trauma -shock-; which is raising the need for accelerated changes. Some signals were given by those who drive the robotic and cyber world, but nothing is written. It is humanism that can and always has redeemed people.

Governments, parties and politics are rethinking themselves in the face of a reality that, as has happened in other historical moments, could be used to reduce suffering and the lack of opportunities for millions of people. The internet, automation, aeronautics, robotics and digitization no longer run the same risk as, in their time, nuclear energy; now economic interests freely and utilitarian manage their access.

Automation and digitization are huge opportunities for government practice. The new possibility of conquering space and colonizing planets are options for Mexican emigration. The future awaits a government capable of taking advantage of the conditions. Not afraid of the future, says Yehezkel Dror, but the MORENA government has been paralyzed.

The question in Mexico is that neither MORENA nor the PRIANRD Pragmatic Poliparty Coalition have options for the post-Covid world. Nowhere are serious and real models developed to execute effective actions. The apocalypse is not over yet, but it will end. And there is no glimpse of how Mexico will live when economies have to open up. There is not enough time for MORENA to try to create a bourgeoisie in the south, as the right did in the north at the time. The severe economic recession that the United States is experiencing is not a bridge for the market to solve things as the traditional Mexican bourgeoisie wishes.

Why was the infrastructure not built to bring water from the south to the north, or to the desert south itself? By when will the federal agencies leave the capital? Until when will AMLO take his own ideas seriously? The six-year term has been bogged down in a factional struggle that is dangerous for governance. In a post-pandemic but highly automated and digitized world, informality and crime are safe receptacles if universal education and the abatement of digital illiteracy are not guaranteed. Morena's nationalist capitalism requires the energies that Donald Trump lacked to build the wall, a centralization of power for which time is running out. Approval does not mean electoral preference and, compared to 2021, Q4 is being canceled. If AMLO bets on internal capitalism, the infrastructure can no longer wait; on the other hand, if neoliberal globalization will continue to be the unavoidable route, the issue of education and social equity cannot be postponed.

While the MORENA governments are only trying to attract, in a crude and ridiculous way, the defectors of the factual powers to rebuild the model of the PRI State, the world is advancing towards dystopian stages that were predicted in the next two hundred years. The future is closer and closer and it will not stop with societies like Mexico, and others, that do not resolve their digital and economic gaps. Automation and digitization cause millions of unemployment, the pandemic will also affect the economy and leave a deep hole in public social protection. It is paradoxical that Vicente Fox is still right: not only has he been right with the legalization of marijuana, he was also right with the idea that the English language is necessary for Mexican emigrants to work better in the United States; now gardeners will be needed on Mars. Then, Amlo asks Marta Sahagún for the pills or the extreme right proposes her as a future candidate for the presidency of the republic for Morena or Mexico Sí.

Echeverría, AMLO and Gelatine Populism

Echeverría, AMLO and Gelatine Populism

September 22, 2020

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/09/22/Echeverr%C3%ADa-AMLO-y-el-Populismo-Gelatina

Why is the clique of President Luis Echeverría Álvarez still so important in the Mexican political system? Since the neoliberal modernization of our country began, the members of the Echeverrismo have manifested themselves as an independent political project that has been present, for and against, from the delamadridista administration to the current government. Carlos Salinas de Gortari pointed to Echeverrismo as the most reluctant and gloomy part of the transformation of the Mexican political system: the Nomenklatura.

Echeverrismo perfectly represents the diarchy between the Revolutionary Family and the Far Right in the Mexican political system. Although Carlos Fuentes affirmed that support for Luis Echeverría Álvarez was preferable instead of Fascism, this nomenklatura has the most violent methods of political control, the LEA's six-year term shows the high murderous training that a North American intelligence agent can have. the presidency of the republic.

The end of 1968 was an important time for the presidential succession of the 1964-1970 six-year term, within the Revolutionary Family there was a relentless struggle to occupy positions of power, Díaz Ordaz contemplated a communist operation in the country where the large intelligence centers of Russia and the United States, as well as old political cells of Latin American socialists. During his time at the Ministry of the Interior, before being President, Díaz Ordaz was characterized by being a hard-line boss, his objective was always to comply with the system, with the State; perhaps, these antecedents made him feel an exaggerated dangerousness of the youth demonstrations.

There are different versions of what happened on October 2, 1968 from the different positions of intellectuals and protagonists. Most point to the overt authoritarianism of Díaz Ordaz as the main cause, the few point to the students as the perpetrators, but another also points out that the student movement may have been manipulated to obtain benefits in the presidential succession.

For this tendency, it is the Secretary of the Interior who makes rigid decisions at critical moments of the conflict, which did not clarify the panorama of the President, on the contrary, they deplored him. Díaz Ordaz learned, shortly before the sad events in Tlatelolco, much of the truth and found in the crossing of the information that he himself made, clear signs of the mediatization of the movement in the merciless fight for the presidency.

It is Echeverría's loyalty to the black circle of the system that surprises the Revolutionary Family, demonstrating that he was capable of anything and thus being chosen as his successor. Echeverría knew how to use the controls, the confidence of the PRI structure and reached the luminosity of power. Echeverría was considered the only and fully responsible for the student massacre, since it fostered all that social and political environment to be favored politically and publicly during the presidential succession.

Echeverrismo is not an economic model but a style of government: gelatin populism. This ability to adapt, to take any form to remain in power, is due not only to the survival of this clique but even to reproduction. Porfirio Muñoz Ledo and Emilio Gamboa Patron are examples of this political pragmatism, the situation is more terrifying when the military, academic, religious and social side of the group is observed: MURO, Halcones, Compañera Esther, Emilio Uranga, Paramilitaries, Progressive Jesuits, Battalion Olympia, CIA. Sons of bitches.

The Technocracy, the business sector, the Left and the PAN, tried to make pacts with this clique to guarantee, they do, an economic model to start the transformation and the awakening of modernity in the country. Echeverrismo was with everyone and they betrayed everyone. In recent assassinations, the CIA-Ultra-Right-Nomenklatura triangle is useful to explain everything.

The 4T every day is more echeverista and less competent. Economic growth, modernization, political liberalism, and democracy are stifling. Even though it is possible to agree that the welfare state in Mexico is necessary, to dress the prince in his attire, it is also true that no economic strategy supports the politics of perversion. The decade of zero growth is more a product of a political style than an economic policy.

Although the LEA had some successes in the economic empowerment of the State, the subordination to the Revolutionary Patrimonial Family, is what generated the permanent economic crisis and the contagion of failure to the following models. Echeverrismo is the Santanismo of the nineteenth century. Even when Roderic Ai Camp speaks of a renewal of the power elites in Mexico, this has not happened, the Revolutionary Axis-UNAM-ITESM remains the same. No rupture has been generated that allows the replacement of the Revolutionary Patrimonial Family.

No historical breakouts in 4T. As in the case of Porfirio Muñoz Ledo, it only continues to be rhetoric. Liberalism, Democratic Consolidation, Development, Secular State, Social Welfare, Sovereignty, etc., are only words of the Seducer of the Homeland.

The Drunkard came Drunk

The Drunkard Came Drunk (JAJ)

September 10, 2020

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/09/10/Lleg%C3%B3-Borracho-el-Borracho

The slander campaign against former President Felipe Calderón is unnecessary, it is base and shows the felony of the commitments that President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has reached with the United States and the Mexican extreme right. Since Manuel Ávila Camacho, the informants and moles are the same primitive joints that boast as members of the secret societies reserved for Catholic nationalism and of which guys like Manuel Espino are worthy representatives. Andrés Manuel López Obrador cannot question Felipe Calderón because he is working with them: uncompromising integral Catholicism found a place in MORENA and at the highest levels of public administration. Some state governments, such as the case of Puebla, are controlled to the bone by the usual pseudonazis: morons, opportunists and moralists.

The attack on Felipe Calderón comes from the extreme right that has always controlled the Mexican State. The one that put itself at the service of the United States and then brought Mexico to its knees in front of the American Union. Is Calderón held responsible for being submissive to the Pentagon and the Vatican? Can AMLO govern in another way? The alleged alcoholism is a complete set. In a country with a highly significant culture of alcoholism, you cannot move land and sea so that the people pay tribute to the holy men of the canteens and, then, take a political figure to hell for the same circumstances. This is tartuism, you are or you are not. Tomás Garrido Canabal shot drunkards the same as Iglesias dynamited.

AMLO uses the worst rhetoric to govern and tomorrow will be the banquet of the Catholic-conservative nationalists who now claim to be on his side. The currency of these groups is harassment and confidential extortion, blackmail. By including them in your government, they have taken more information from you than you imagine and that will be used appropriately. You just have to wait for the death of the king for the new king to live and the courtesans make use of the data that they palatially obtained to find accommodation.

The folly of summoning the reference and discretion of Mario Bergoglio to gain legitimacy is a sample of the populist fallacy everywhere. Every Christian who deigns to be respected has more references than the Popes. Insisting on mixing Catholicism and politics only shows the degree of vassalage and slavery that is generated in the Latin American, Latin and Central European world. For purposes of religious pluralism, the consideration of making constant biblical references as well as the messages of Mario Bergoglio does not do a favor to Mexican democracy. What are there not other authors, even Christians, to point out the importance of a value or express the legitimacy of an action? Can't you cite an academic or, if the religious issue is important, the Jewish, Muslim, Buddhist or vegan minister? The debate over the president's religious messages is an unnecessary assault on liberal secular culture. During the XIX and XX centuries, the attacks on the Mexican State have been gigantic by the high Catholic clergy.

Illiberal democracy is one of the consequences of Christian democracy. This is the anthropological limit of our political evolution. As in post-war Italy, there are only three Jesuit options: white, black, and red. Enrique Krauze when defining the PAN, considered that half of the party is Yunque, and the other half is also Catholic but is divided into aspirationists,liberals, civilists and humanists. This is all of Mexico. The overcoming of these anthropological limits is impossible to break if the historical rupture is Porfirio Muñoz Ledo.

Christian democracy walks on the edge of the fascist razor. Even though some of their governments are tolerant of sexual, cultural, racial and religious pluralisms, the truth is that they cannot resist the temptation to implement public policies and laws with a Christian orientation, particularly that of intransigent integral Catholicism.

The political parties that assume the banner of Christian democracy, inevitably admit clericalism and clerical tutelage in the conformation of their governments as well as in their international relationship with the Holy See. The cases of Latin America and Eastern Europe constitute the largest spaces for Christian democracy. Mainly due to the lack of a liberal culture in the economic, political and social sense. While in other societies –especially of Protestant Christian orientation, the civic culture with respect to secularization and secularism does not present a major conflict, in Central European Latin American and Catholic societies, the absence of clericalism in the governmental dimension, and of the entire social structure, is considered a tragedy.

For the Christian Democrats of Catholic descent, conservative nationalist rhetoric and narrative remains of great value. In the aforementioned regions, even leftist governments must reconcile their progressive ideas with the values ​​and guidelines of Roman Catholicism. MORENA and AMLO are doing it. López Obrador will remain on the lines of Ávila Camacho, Echeverría, Salinas, Fox and Calderón.

Christian democracy, more than a phenomenon of political ideology, constitutes a geopolitical strategy to form right-wing governments, political parties that defend its doctrine and create the perfect Christian societies where Catholic believers are the majority.

In Catholic societies with little liberal development, factionalism and succession within the Catholic Church are more important than within the political system itself. This element is worth highlighting because it complies with Max Weber's interpretive references regarding the development between Catholics and Protestants; but it also makes it possible to highlight the consequences of the lack of a civic culture and liberal political awareness.

Latin America and Eastern Europe, more and more, have authoritarian, confessional, corrupt governments that fall into populism - simply to keep the political oligarchy united, but around Catholic and Christian religious groups.

As long as the nations with significant Catholic groups do not generate religious revolutions that generate ultra-liberalism of beliefs, as well as pacts of religion and tolerance, the necessary social differentiation for the free structuring of the political, economic and social fields will be inhibited. The Catholic-oriented Christian democracy remains in the organic and corporate society of the Middle Ages

The geopolitical strategy that Catholic nationalism promoted in Eastern Europe to confront communism and acquire territories for the dominion of the Catholic Church was successful in the dismantling of the USSR. However, in almost thirty years time, the region has not developed consolidated or mature democracies and, despite the regret of some analysts who exaggerate the virtues of Christian democracy, Mittleuropa is a pro-fascist region close to the far-right regimes in the early days of the twentieth century.

For several years, the text of Ilan Bizberg and Marcyn Fribes: Transitions to democracy. Lessons for Mexico, edited by Cal y Arena, was put to the consideration of the PAN groups, particularly El Yunque, as one of the models to guide the Mexican political transition. In the words of Frido Arias Kung, an attempt was made to bring the figure of Vicente Fox closer to Lech Walesa so that the condition of Catholic nationalism would serve as an impetus for regime change and historical rupture as in the experience of Eastern Europe. However, Mexico is not Poland and Hispanic Catholicism, as conservative as it pretends to be, does not come close to Polish Catholicism. It tries to imitate anti-Semitism and anti-communism, but the distance from the European experience and the Hispanic condition, designed a corrupt and corrupting model that little imitates the Polish historical dynamics.

There are many differences between the Polish and Hispanic experience. While Poland has a civil war with its Slavic first cousins ​​- the Russians, in the Hispanic case, despite the fact that the recovery of the territories dominated by Islam took eight centuries, a process of interculturality was generated in the South of Spain that until the date does not want to be recognized by Spaniards who think they are direct descendants of Adolfo Hitler, even though they were born in Cholula (Puebla). Sefarad generated a strange multiculturalism that leads to distinguish the region of Europe and Christianity itself. Latin America is a great Sepharad. Transreligious Multicultural Populations. Perhaps these characteristics, strange elements, are what have inhibited the Polish experience.

Poland was generating a historical conflict with Russia, with all the racial, cultural and religious similarities. The Soviet communist rule, in an unjustified and totalitarian way, widened the gap and was a significant element in increasing the reserves that the region keeps against Russia.

The Spanish democratic transition was a space for negotiation and coexistence between the republican and monarchist factions that implemented the traditional Canovism of the ineffective Spanish ruling house. Although there is talk of national reconciliation and oblivion, the truth is that there is a historical space where, in a nicdemic way, the reformist and moderate sectors have been working.

The transition to democracy in Poland presents different characteristics. The Catholic Church had been establishing itself as the banner of national identity against Russian communism. Although it had its spaces for negotiation with the USSR, there was no attempt on the part of the Catholics to agree with the communists. In Poland there is a process of restructuring from the authentic civil society that fought for democracy, but which, over time, has resulted in the formation of far-right governments. By way of justification, Catholic nationalism remains in force as a defense mechanism against Russia, which, now, under the rule of Vladimir Putin, seeks to regain the geopolitical hegemony that characterized Russia during the Tsarist and Communist years.

Catholic Latin America does not have an enemy like Russia near here, if the United States opened its borders everyone would want to get involved. That is why Intermarium is a failed strategy of the Latin American right. The collaboration of Frido Arias Kung with the PAN and the democratic Christian identity movement of America, thus suggests it.

Populism, the political experience of Cuba, Nicaragua or Venezuela, are not at all compared to the USSR, China or North Korea, with everything and the shouting that the extreme right makes from Miami and Argentina. Left-wing governments in Latin America are innocuous against the imperialism of the Holy See and the United States. For the historian Loris Zanatta and the comparative Bertrand Badie, we are either conservative (right) or progressive (left) Catholic populists.

The Falklands War between Argentina and England is more important in regional identity than the Dirty War that was carried out against leftist or openly communist groups that were few, disorganized and without any external element of support. Cuba itself has experienced this orphanhood since the missile crisis in 1961. In the case of Mexico, at this point, only Samuel Huntington and George Friedman think of predicting a war between Mexico and the United States. Mexican integration into the United States is so obvious that, in addition to adopting Mickey Mouse's ears, the people would act as Panamanian society did in the invasion of that country to overthrow Manuel Noriega, a former collaborator of the CIA. Only the Argentines have used this rhetoric to confront the English.

The Intermarium in Latin America has served so that Catholic nationalists satisfy their desire to kill, viciously murdering communists, indigenous people, feminists, workers and, above all, students. And to co-govern with the communist snitches. The pact with the PRI organized crime has been made since the time of Manuel Ávila Camacho.

The economic, political and social indicators of Eastern Europe are not due to Christian democracy but to the geopolitical possibility of constituting itself as a strategy of Western culture against Russia and the Arab world.

Poland is characterized from Russia as the "Trojan Donkey" and, during the 20th century, the consequences of her behavior have not made her understand.

In the case of Mexico, the lesson from Eastern Europe should be: find an enemy as great as Russia, China or Islam so that North America and the Holy See grant their support to structural improvement.

While that happens, it only remains to maintain the behavior of the Latino or Hispanic world, fighting among themselves: the north against the south, the colorist, racist and social struggle of the castes, the struggle of a Hispanic Creole oligarchy against popular aspirationist groups, competition for corruption, emigration of marginalized groups to North America, etc., so that our societies have minimal income.

To put it more clearly, Spain, Portugal and Italy; they remain our anthropological limits. The Italian and Iberian peninsula, as well as Eastern Europe, are models of illiberal, Catholic, ineffective, blocked, Christian democracies close to fascism when conditions require it, liberal as far as the bishops and the social structure allow. Christian democracy is antagonistic to liberal democracies.

In Mexico, as in Spain, a nicodemic, Canoist, turncoat transition has taken place, where the fighting groups have become accustomed to agreeing to transas, to migrate and to change their party jacket at the most opportune moment. The only verb that knows how to conjugate Mexican politics, is the one that Martín Luis Guzmán puts in the mouth of Olivier Fernández, avatar of Jorge Prieto Laurens (Catholic Nationalist, anti-communist, collaborator of the CIA, founder of the Tecos y Yunque) is backgammon, betray, get up early. And the man who gets up early, you know who he is.

 (JAJ) José Alfredo Jiménez. Mexican singer-songwriter from Dolores Hidalgo, Guanajuato