Hobbit or Protester? The streets and autonomous organizations

 Hobbit or Protester? The streets and autonomous organizations

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Since the Arab Spring, it has become common to find manuals of anarchism and social resistance in different cyber spaces; the Internet has become the main tool of anarchists and dissidents.

The crisis of democracy corresponds more to the unjust development of liberalism than to populism.

Neoliberal democracy has become a plutocratic totalitarianism that insists on denying its responsibility for the conditions in which humanity lives.

It is difficult to deny the dystopia of the Z War if globalization does not change.

As in the sixties of the last century, imagination demands the impossible from power, but political power and, above all, economic power, is a sad, dry and old monolith that feels nothing, it only lives to repress.

That is why imagination, in essence, is rebellious.

The failure of democracy through competitive elections in Mexico has not yet been assimilated by the PRIANRD and the red circle that accompanies it.

The few seconds that the brief history of liberal democratic minimalism barely reached only confirmed the oligarchic vocation of the elites and the only means that society has to protect itself: social mobilization.

The utility of autonomous and civic organizations of civil society is insisted upon as an effective form of social protection. This is not true.

Democratic minimalism, like Francisco I. Madero, dreamed of turning Mexicans into Englishmen and that is how it went for all of us.

François Xavier Guerra points out that social resistance is the only way for the Ibero-American elites and oligarchies to remember the coexistence of pacts; and perhaps it is the same in all of humanity.

The loss of autonomous organizations is not the tragedy that the red circle exposes. The street and the cannon of the future have been the only means to dialogue with the elites, in France, China and the world.

Denise Dresser knows it, and the students of Ayotzinapa know it, the Zapatista Army of National Liberation knows it, and the groups dedicated to organized crime know it. The Hobbits know it, and even Donald Trump.

The cult of violence that the imagination proposes in these times depends more on the failure of the State and the Social Contract than on the failures of democracy.

Liberalism, once again, failed to civilize the powerful, and as long as the totalitarianism of economic power persists, only the streets and social resistance remain for the rest to survive.

The reinvention of the State in the face of civil society in Mexico

 The reinvention of the State in the face of civil society in Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

During the Salinas administration, the State was dismantled in the name of quality, efficiency and North American integration. The neoliberal era continued to cross time under those flags. After almost forty years, the results were terrible

As the change of government approaches in our country, the opposition to the Fourth Transformation structures the risks of the reforms promoted by López Obrador as a legacy of his political and social commitments.

The disappearance of autonomous organizations at the local and national level seems imminent; if the reform of the Judicial Branch is enough to shake the structures of the neoliberal oligarchy, with the disappearance of the civil spaces that structured the transition via competitive elections, the State shakes off foreign bodies that took away its power and sovereignty.

The changes generate uncertainty, tremendous expectations and doubts regarding the historical stature of some characters; It is true that profound changes do not depend only on those elected but on ordinary people who can cause alarm in critics.

During the Salinas administration, the State was dismantled in the name of quality, efficiency and North American integration. The neoliberal era continued to cross time under those flags. After almost forty years, the results were terrible.

With the arrival of López Obrador, the intention was to restructure state power and return to the interventionist and corrective dimension that corresponds to political society par excellence.

Is the Mexican State recovering and strengthening? It is still early to say so.

After the unjust North American intervention, it is clear that public institutions lack respect abroad and national strength is not considered under any formal criteria by the powerful neighbor to the north.

However, the union of the groups and parties that make up the Fourth Transformation intend to remedy, in some way, the neoliberal counter-reforms promoted during almost six six-year terms.

The architecture of the historical rupture that is intended seems titanic, it is not a return to the past but a liberation of the State from the future; it could also be Mexico's Armageddon.

The Morena reforms have to be so that the ideas of its political proposal are carried out, if the fourth transformation does not intend to be a banal populism but the Mexican resurgence, the opportunity has its doors open.

As always, History will point out who was at the level of the demands and circumstances.