NarcoMexico: Today as Always

 NarcoMexico: Today as Always

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

It is carefully observed how certain situations, which at first might seem novel, actually resonate with historical dynamics within the Mexican political sphere. Mexico has been the North American Sicily for many decades, not only during the Morena administration.

A recent example is the case involving the former governor of Tabasco and current senator, Adán Augusto López Hernández.

While his situation has generated worrying conversations, accusations linking the political class to complex relationships rarely lead to decisive consequences. North America has always known that the political class is permeated by drug trafficking, yet it does nothing about it.

A precedent of this nature, which still resonates, is that of former Secretary of Public Security, Genaro García Luna, whose legal process, so far, does not seem to have brought any tangible benefit to the country, but rather the opposite, leaving a taste of uncertainty and frustration. Drug trafficking, corruption, and violence are unstoppable over time.

Since the late 1980s, literary works by authors such as Rafael Loret de Mola and Tom Clancy, through their revealing contexts, have suggested the urgent need for more decisive intervention by the United States to effectively combat drug trafficking.

However, historically, the neighboring nation has maintained a stance of restraint. This dynamic has led some observers to consider the possibility that certain factions within organized crime may be, in some way, linked to the interests of the "Yankee empire," a hypothesis that seems more logical than that of a White House solely concerned with the health of American youth.

However, this perception may be changing, especially in light of statements by former President Donald Trump, whose positions suggest a possible departure from the approaches traditionally adopted by both Democratic and Republican leaders.

In certain strata of society, the link between the political class and drug trafficking has become normalized, paradoxically viewing government actions as extraordinary gestures within this complex network.

For its part, the North American narrative often evokes legal justice regarding the context of drug trafficking in the 1980s; however, time has moved on; we are now in 2025.

Currently, in Morena's second six-year term, both drug production and trafficking have reached unprecedented levels of sophistication, and it seems that the expectation of effective control has vanished.

Unfortunately, beyond the media glare and the news stories that capture public attention, a profound resolution to these problems seems distant.

Even if figures like García Luna are apprehended, the elusive nature of both illicit money and certain political actors suggests that the essence of the situation in Mexico could remain unchanged.

It is a reminder that solutions to these challenges deeply rooted in the Mexican social fabric require a comprehensive and persistent approach, beyond the news cycles.

Counterculture in Mexican Regional Music

Counterculture in Mexican Regional Music

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The debate surrounding the control of popular music in Mexico sometimes seems to misunderstand the country's situation. The US military intervention is presented right under the eyes of the republic as representing, for them, a narco-society, and on the nationalist side, the proliferation of musical messages is hailed as freedom of expression. The world is upside down.

It is strange that government intervention is rejected in areas that are necessary for social well-being. Beyond demanding that President Claudia Sheinbaum respect the symbolic devices of drug trafficking, one might wonder if these cultural controversies would convince Donald Trump to withdraw his battleships, destroyers, and aircraft carriers from the country's maritime borders.

If the Radio and Television Law in Mexico were enforced, like the rule of law, for example, the country's configuration would surely be different; However, the problem is institutional weakness, the government's limited capacity to enforce the law. It is unfair to compare cultural freedom in the Western world with what is happening in Mexico. Certainly, in the United States, unlimited freedom exists, but it is also true that state surveillance of the counterculture has managed to ward off the negative and terrorist impact that some national and foreign elements seek to generate with certain actions. In the experience of Germany and France, Islamic culture and fascism are regulated by historical memory and the national security circumstances they imply; establishing almost authoritarian but legitimate forms that force democracies to defend themselves and bring debate and knowledge of the issue into the public sphere.

The counterculture can represent the entry of anti-values ​​that disrupt a given social order. The weakness of the Mexican state vis-à-vis the powers that be makes the counterculture discourse the true hegemonic one, and that is how things are going for us. During the war waged by the Mexican state against drug trafficking, the symbolic production of drugs was negatively stigmatized, but this too has served little purpose. What would be the opinion of the searching mothers and victims of the narco-war regarding the unregulated production of the music that accompanies this context?

The legalization of drugs and narco-culture can set the tone for strengthening the state, because they allow for the establishment of a legal framework and even the generation of taxes and revenues; however, state intervention and public debate are important. As long as state weakness persists, the de facto and hegemonic powers will eventually crush us all until a monster like Yankee Imperialism crushes them, including all of Mexican society. Freedom is conditioned by the capacity that the social contract grants to the leader and the social awareness of the importance of public morality. President Claudia Sheinbaum is forced to resume the Calderónist war and rethink the strength of the state to avoid another material and symbolic defeat.

The Trumpist Security Strategy in Mexico

 The Trumpist Security Strategy in Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Although the ultimate purpose of the national security policy built on Donald Trump's demands and regional demands is still under debate, the truth is that important changes are being perceived. The actions of the Armed Forces, the National Guard, and the Ministry of Security are affecting the intermediate levels of some organized crime sectors. Narco-politicians have begun to fall, and this is important, especially because the groups leading the low-intensity war in Mexico can reduce their violence if the influence of politicians who manipulate conflicts to their advantage is limited; or, alternatively, they represent the apex of power in certain entities.

The Mexican State has been forced to implement measures to control organized crime in accordance with North American interests; however, there are other problems that affect the civilian population and are outside the Trumpist sphere. Claudia Sheinbaum's anti-drug trafficking strategy must correct Trump's demands and make it clear to the US government that its implementation can also contribute to generating effective governance for Republicans. The violence and impunity that have multiplied exponentially in Mexico are also contributing to the US problem.

The Mexican government must insist on subsidies and material support from the United States and various international organizations for the implementation of actions against insecurity in our country. Something has been lacking in the lack of economic understanding on migration and the fight against drugs since the López Obrador administration. Trump's demand for Mexico to resolve drug trafficking to the United States requires extraordinary budgetary amounts that were not contemplated by local or federal governments. Now, the circumstances facing Mexico may call for the participation of other international entities and extraordinary support to try to address a situation that affects drug use in the United States and around the world. The genocides confirmed by the narco-masses in Mexico reveal a problem beyond the capabilities of the National State. This is something more complex than terrorism; it resembles African civil wars.

Claudia Sheinbaum could propose securing resources and understanding with the United States, as well as other organizations, to ensure that Donald Trump's anti-drug strategy is effective and to guarantee the efficacy of the measures implemented. In fact, Mexico is a safe third country in terms of migration. Will the same happen with other dynamics such as drug trafficking and health?

The immediate capture of some narco-politicians and the control of certain regions will allow for improved governance; however, the government of the republic will have to seek funding for the anti-drug macro-policy proposed by North America.