Meta God AI

 Meta God AI

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Contemporary thought, enriched by the recent interventions of Yuval Noah Harari, warns that humanity faces an unprecedented challenge due to the rise of artificial intelligence.

Harari has emphasized that, unlike any previous technology, AI is capable of creating ideas, narratives, and even new cults, displacing human beings from their historical role as the sole generators of cultural meaning.

The Davos forum has validated this view, recognizing that we are not simply facing another production tool, but rather an entity capable of hacking the operating system of our civilization.

From a perspective of responsible foresight, the future should not be interpreted merely as job displacement, but as a profound existential crisis.

Artificial intelligence not only automates tasks, but is also beginning to colonize the realm of the sacred, giving rise to epiphanies and digital utopias that could supplant traditional humanist values. While the private sector pays homage to this new technological deity for its economic efficiency, governments seem incapable of establishing regulatory frameworks to contain what some call a digital Terminator.

The education system faces an absolute crossroads. Institutional paralysis in the face of the speed of these changes suggests that current skills could become obsolete in the face of a geoeconomic landscape that, in its struggle for hegemony between powers like China and the United States, threatens to create a useless class of global proportions.

To mitigate this risk, education must shift toward rescuing the essence of humanity, prioritizing professions that require empathy, ethics, and a physical connection to reality—elements that computing cannot yet authentically replicate.

Responsible foresight demands that humanity not surrender to a destructive technological determinism.

It is not about waiting for a digital blackout, but about implementing public policies that ensure AI functions as a complement to, and not a substitute for, our species.

The risk of descending into technocratic totalitarianism is real, but the capacity to respond lies in our ability to collaborate and reaffirm the sovereignty of human judgment.

Beyond the apocalyptic visions of science fiction, the challenge is to design a global social contract that protects our identity against the advance of this new algorithmic god, ensuring that the future remains for life.

Public Education in Mexico: Business, Skills, and Health

 Public Education in Mexico: Business, Skills, and Health

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The actions of the Secretary of Public Education, Mario Delgado, have generated controversy between the conservatives and reformers of the Fourth Transformation. This could be seen as a healthy debate between subordinate groups and the pragmatic alliances of the current government, or as a clear sign of how López Obrador's administration continues to set the pace for Claudia Sheinbaum.

Public education in Mexico undoubtedly has an enormous task when it comes to nutrition; however, there are also other discussions that are equally important. The educational reform of the Fourth Transformation has not been implemented or materialized in a minimal way; there are only basic ways to understand what type of education and culture Morena seeks to promote among Mexicans.

Although dialogue between the Secretary of Public Education and the business sector can be considered a basic form of negotiation in democracies, the truth is that the Fourth Transformation, like any government, diminishes the mechanism of collective participation for decision-making. It is true that participatory democracy has its drawbacks; bureaucratic specialists must make decisions immediately; however, Mario Delgado's haste and his particular management style demonstrate that negotiations go beyond lobbying. Beyond the setups, debates, and generating public opinion, some suspicious individuals observe the construction of Mario Delgado's presidential candidacy with the patronage of outside sectors, as has occurred in various spheres where he participates.

Crony capitalism continues in full swing in Mexico, and this appears to be Mario Delgado's strategy. Public space is rented to the highest bidder, and academic content is of little importance. Faced with the challenges of the immediate future—China and the United States—this indicates that public officials are thinking about many things, except how to organize a problem and respond effectively to society.

Welfare scholarships have been important in supporting a large portion of Mexican students; however, they benefit the traditional business sector as the last link. Couldn't the Mexican government be more concerned with providing a public education that guarantees the increase in skills and competencies to face the dystopian world being posed by Donald Trump?

The López Obrador left is calling for strikes and mobilizations to demand compliance with the elimination of junk food in public schools; the importance of this issue is undeniable, but the development of technical and scientific skills for the future is more important. International indicators indicate that there are many academic problems in Mexico's public schools, and this is part of a debate that must one day be taken seriously. Mexico cannot continue to ignore the implementation of a homogeneous and functional educational reform, democratically and consciously constructed. When politics is removed from the educational issue, it will make an enormous contribution to Mexico's problems.

Political Factionalism in Mexico Facing the Shock of the Future

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/el-faccionalismo-pol%C3%ADtico-en-m%C3%A9xico

The North American electoral process has confirmed a dispute that all societies maintain in the face of modernity and continuous progress. Deep down, it remains the same as always, despite the fact that it changes protagonists, flags, contexts and rhetoric: liberals and conservatives. Even though it seemed that the American civil war had settled the point, the characteristics that distinguish the Trump Nation - American Native - show that the North-South divide is still conflicted in some way.

When, how and why progress? The answer depends on the elites and their interests, while society remains on the sidelines, as it can have little influence against the system that is imposed on it. The economic, political and social challenges posed by runaway modernization have pulverized the party system and realigned elites in various countries in search of options to maintain their hegemony. There is no struggle between globalphobics and globalizers but between elites and oligarchies that have chained their interests and companies to one or another project. The masses, but above all the weak and naive middle class, can do little to avoid this dilemma.

John Gray, the skeptical conservative English philosopher, considered, like AMLO - keeping the proper proportions - that the pandemic was going to reorient public policies towards a strengthening of the State and internal economies. It didn't happen like that, it won't happen like that.

While MORENA, or the 4T, or what AMLO understands by Revolutionary Conservative, they try to generate a nationalist capitalism, PRIANRD or México Sí, or FRENAA, or whatever the clerofascists understand by conservative liberalism, they are achieving notable advances with respect to the elections from 2021.

The dilemma of survival in the face of globalization is so serious that the parties have put aside their ideological doctrines and in true leaps of faith have decided to gamble. Factionalism and transfuguism are carried out immorally for all sides. Andrés Oppenheimer, in two simple but illuminating books about the future, warns that the automation and digitization of the world are inevitable. Countries will have to prepare to face competition that is no longer against companies but against humanity itself. The pandemic has locked a large part of human beings on the internet and the other is facing COVID-19 amidst uncertainty. Technology and machines seem to have defeated human beings. Jorge Castañeda, in another old analysis of Japan - as Oppenheimer himself does - considered basic income or minimum social justice policies essential while society assimilates technological advance. The division between technocrats and politicians seems to have lost meaning and a new scheme of techno / optimists and techno / pessimists begins to take on identity.

Schools and teachers are being forced to close technological and social gaps. It is true that contexts are not always suitable for everyone, but; somehow, educational actors adapt to the trends of virtual neoliberalism. In Oppenheimer's text - Who can save himself - we find that digitization will only allow the survival of two jobs: the highly sophisticated and those that can hardly be done by a robot. This assumption is important for thinking about education and how context influences.

Economy and technology imply costs that not everyone can pay, they obey oligarchic interests that seek to maintain their hegemony, but individuals - and sometimes the State as a social contract - must seek options to correct the abuses and defects that this situation generates. Faced with automation and digitization, two types of jobs will survive: 1. Those that are very sophisticated and require permanent training to update themselves, and 2. Jobs that depend on physical skills and resistance that artificial intelligence robots cannot. do. The other jobs will be literally swept away. Hence, becoming aware of the way that technology influences economic development leads to running towards one of the two extremes. That is why education is essential in this process. On the one hand, the issue of soft skills constitutes the only source of survival in an almost apocalyptic context, the school has become an exclusive refuge where people -of any age- will go to recover in mentality, attitudes and aptitudes. Actually, the transmission of knowledge will be less and less in schools and, nevertheless, the fraternity and humanism that distinguish teaching will be the main incentive. For this reason, although schools and teachers may not have the latest technology, they are convergent spaces for training, recovery and formation of social expectations. It is talking about the industrial and financial transformation so serious for people who need to promote resistance, courage and cunning as the essence of the human condition in addition to technological training.

Many jobs have disappeared and will disappear in the face of a hybrid and virtual reality that is increasingly imposed on us in an almost totalitarian way. Education, for the most part, will be hybrid, although for the privileged and not so privileged, it will be informal. Humanity lives a technological, economic, health trauma -shock-; which is raising the need for accelerated changes. Some signals were given by those who drive the robotic and cyber world, but nothing is written. It is humanism that can and always has redeemed people.

Governments, parties and politics are rethinking themselves in the face of a reality that, as has happened in other historical moments, could be used to reduce suffering and the lack of opportunities for millions of people. The internet, automation, aeronautics, robotics and digitization no longer run the same risk as, in their time, nuclear energy; now economic interests freely and utilitarian manage their access.

Automation and digitization are huge opportunities for government practice. The new possibility of conquering space and colonizing planets are options for Mexican emigration. The future awaits a government capable of taking advantage of the conditions. Not afraid of the future, says Yehezkel Dror, but the MORENA government has been paralyzed.

The question in Mexico is that neither MORENA nor the PRIANRD Pragmatic Poliparty Coalition have options for the post-Covid world. Nowhere are serious and real models developed to execute effective actions. The apocalypse is not over yet, but it will end. And there is no glimpse of how Mexico will live when economies have to open up. There is not enough time for MORENA to try to create a bourgeoisie in the south, as the right did in the north at the time. The severe economic recession that the United States is experiencing is not a bridge for the market to solve things as the traditional Mexican bourgeoisie wishes.

Why was the infrastructure not built to bring water from the south to the north, or to the desert south itself? By when will the federal agencies leave the capital? Until when will AMLO take his own ideas seriously? The six-year term has been bogged down in a factional struggle that is dangerous for governance. In a post-pandemic but highly automated and digitized world, informality and crime are safe receptacles if universal education and the abatement of digital illiteracy are not guaranteed. Morena's nationalist capitalism requires the energies that Donald Trump lacked to build the wall, a centralization of power for which time is running out. Approval does not mean electoral preference and, compared to 2021, Q4 is being canceled. If AMLO bets on internal capitalism, the infrastructure can no longer wait; on the other hand, if neoliberal globalization will continue to be the unavoidable route, the issue of education and social equity cannot be postponed.

While the MORENA governments are only trying to attract, in a crude and ridiculous way, the defectors of the factual powers to rebuild the model of the PRI State, the world is advancing towards dystopian stages that were predicted in the next two hundred years. The future is closer and closer and it will not stop with societies like Mexico, and others, that do not resolve their digital and economic gaps. Automation and digitization cause millions of unemployment, the pandemic will also affect the economy and leave a deep hole in public social protection. It is paradoxical that Vicente Fox is still right: not only has he been right with the legalization of marijuana, he was also right with the idea that the English language is necessary for Mexican emigrants to work better in the United States; now gardeners will be needed on Mars. Then, Amlo asks Marta Sahagún for the pills or the extreme right proposes her as a future candidate for the presidency of the republic for Morena or Mexico Sí.