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Puebla: the eternal avilacamachista


Puebla: the eternal avilacamachista



(...) We are talking with our hearts in our hands, Hilario, not with good phrases to deceive people. Neither you nor me claims the country. They complain to us (leaving aside three or four fools and three or four deluded ones) the groups of conveners who go hunting for a hook to hang on; that is, three or four bands of politicians ... Duties to the country !?
Ignacio Aguirre






http://infoquorum.com/notas/2019/04/09/Opini%C3%B3n/Puebla:_el_eterno_avilacamachista?fbclid=IwAR1KC1ZIZuKr0FvsyfafvMWXS7B4VHYYuaZMwlcFpkDnJt53QxVR6oGWsks

Even though the political alternation was installed in the entity since 2010 at the Governmental level, the truth is that a political devolution predominates that shows a presence of the oligarchies of always and the null possibilities for the subaltern and popular groups to find a channel to meet their needs. needs

While it was thought that political devolution would constitute a temporary stage - albeit a long one - of political practice, while the historical ruptures were generated in order to create institutions that would configure the new spectrum of democratic forces; what has happened is the consolidation of an oligarchic pragmatic system that uses the parties as mere franchises.

The turncoat has become in a herds of wolves in sheep's clothing so that the historical cliques that have sustained the political power; but, above all, economic and social, they should be maintained and reproduced. After the defeat of the Hegemonic Party, the rules of succession became a cannibalism that has nothing to do with electoral competition. The end of the PRI allowed the return of the violent factionalism of the early twentieth century in Mexico. Then, as now, aggressive factionalism generates ungovernability and weakening of institutions.

Puebla leads an oligarchic family dispute where society always loses.

At least three avilacamachismo tendencies compete: gringos, morenos and revolutionaries.

The scale of appearance indicates that, probably, Morena reaches the governorship; However, given the transfuguism that has been a constant since December of last year, avilacamachismo and neoavilacamachismo will remain.

The problem of the transfuguism is not that it generates constant and unpredictable electoral realignments but ends up by empowering the factions or cliques and de-institutionalizing the government and parties. There is a common core that few perceive, the node from which the privileges and prebends are distributed to the members of the oligarchy.

The defeat or triumph of some clique does not mean much difference, the nucleus is invisible and maintains control. If all the political groups are linked to the longest-lived probostazgo in local history; Then, there are no real alternatives.

A clear example is the experiences in the City Councils and the Legislative Power; the representatives of Morena have not changed a minimum element of the old regime. What is the use of governing the most important municipalities of the State? When will the infamous legislative decisions of the past be modified in municipal matters, of control and security? At what point will the obscure judiciary, the security apparatuses and the public administration as a whole be restructured?

It seems that Puebla is going through a velvet transition, which is nothing more than a transition that has been negotiated. Morena has gone from being the Juan Preciado of "Llano en llamas" to the party that everyone wants as a civic model of Puebla, unfortunately this has meant the incorporation of all kinds of forces without any regard and, most of the time, over the authentic citizen bases and networks. If they really won the 2018 local elections, why do they need alliances with those who dominate elections through belly politics?

The avilacamachismo gringo only fulfills its historical function: represent the interests of Mister Danger.

In Puebla, its role is known during the revolutionary process, a partner of avilacamachism and a trigger for emigration and poverty that is not part of Civil Society. It is one of the pillars of local authoritarianism and surrounds itself with the conservative groups that refined the harsh lineage that brought the founding leader. It made room for morenovallismo and tried to promote it as one of the national alternatives. It completed the political alternation in the entity but it used the transfuguismo to the maximum. It is the space from which mainly the paintings that Morena is integrating come out.

The avilacamachismo revolutionary maintains the cacique corporate structure of the old official party; however, he is aware that absolute victories will not come back. It also builds bridges with Morena and many of its leaders zigzag with electoral structures sold to the highest bidder. Now that the polarization of the last electoral contest seems to have ended, it initiates a transfer of cliques similar to a derby that disappoints. The party that wins the elections has the right to form a plural government with elements of diverse political affiliation; However, an electoral contest supposes a dialectic of governance models and public policies. Elections where the options imply ratification are a fraud, a simulation of those that were abundant in Mexico and Puebla. What does Morena offer now for Puebla? What is your difference with the Neoavilacamachismo that was tried to forge from the PAN?

Political parties must seek their ideological and militant definition. If the turncoat party continues unchecked, the institutes end up approved and subtract greater sovereignty to the town and its citizens. There is still time for the political alternation in Puebla to take place and, finally, to skip the authoritarian and oligarchic stage that distinguishes it.

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