Morena and political liberalization
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
Although there is talk of a change of regime in our country, the transfuguism or migration of PRI and PAN members to Morena predominates, and with it, the survival of the old regime.
José Antonio Crespo proposed in his analyses during the PAN presidential alternation that the Mexican transition was characterized mainly by political liberalization rather than by a deepening of democracy and consolidation.
Liberalization was controlled by the revolutionary coalition and, given the facts of the judicial reform, it can be said that the hypothesis proposed by Crespo is valid.
It seems that revolutionary nationalism never lost control of the political and economic changes in the country and, even now, it regains power to return the legal framework to the meager rules prior to perestroika and glasnot that neoliberalism meant.
The supreme power in the country is represented by Morena; or whatever that means. It is not expressed, for the moment, in the presidency of the republic, the political party with hegemonic neo-corporatist pretensions, but in the legislative majority and the personalist factions that comprise it.
Morena is a Bronx of isms that has not yet been translated into a tandem with all the energy that it means.
Legislative Morenism is the factotum, accelerator and brake, of the changes in Mexico.
The point is that the mole has several cooks and, suddenly, it becomes soup.
It can be thought that even this phenomenon is part of the Morena political control.
The helm of the deputies and senators for Morena is nowhere to be seen.
The risk lies in the fact that, in any case, this represents the feared congressional government that Vicente Fox baptized.
Parliamentary control is an indispensable and urgent need like the control of the judicial power.
The historical irresponsibility of the Legislative Powers in Latin America has resulted in the waste of the greatest opportunities.
Political liberalization is managed by revolutionary nationalism: blindly, foolishly and madly.
It is clear that the capitalist liberal democracy that had so many failures in the path of corrupting neoliberalism has reached its exhaustion.
However, the model of social and participatory democracy of the Fourth Transformation is becoming disfigured.
The protagonism of the legislative power is not healthy for Mexican governability; the 19th century and the Maderist experience have several data in this regard.
The reconstruction of the Mexican State and the Second Floor of the 4T require that the command go ahead and govern the parliamentary fractions of Morena.