Post-electoral judicialization, a possibility?
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
Although the most radicalized sectors of the PRIANRD consider that the true electoral processes will begin with the judicialization of the political process starting on June 3; The truth is that this situation depends on the electoral margin between the strongest options and the accidents on election day.
Contrary to the arguments of this trend, fortunately the electoral process has remained in a perspective characteristic of the political evolution of Mexico. However, the negative typologies of this process that closes next week have not been more serious than other presidential successions. This is good news for the ailing, imperfect democracy in our republic. The accusations that are now leveled against López Obrador were also previously implemented by neoliberals and, perhaps, with greater crudeness.
In any case, the ideal that the election day on June 2nd takes place calmly and in order contributes to the benefit of everyone. And, according to the surveys themselves, with everything and their divergences, everyone will get something. The country is not going to be lost after June 2nd. The authoritarian drift of the failed Mexican democracy did not begin in 2018. It should be noted that authoritarianism is particular to the entire political class in our country.
The fourth transformation cannot expose its performance with the implementation of electoral fraud. The results must be assumed mainly by the government and, with this, demonstrate that the democratic vocation, even in populist progressivism, is a latent reality. AMLO, whether he wants it or not, is unable to transcend the next six-year term. Violating the elections is a historical error of the most serious responsibility for the Fourth Transformation.
Mexican society, with so many irresolvable cleavages, does not seem to conform to an electorate that delivers absolute majorities in democratic contexts, which are still incipient. The many Mexicans demand inclusive and plural governments.
Electoral judicialization constitutes a scenario far from reality; there are few local cases where the electoral margin is narrow. Suddenly, the caution of the result and defense of the vote encourage fantastic fears. But, in most cases, Morena's advantage seems to be wide and with convincing scenarios of victory. For this reason, the ruling party should not expose itself to implementing fraud and situations conducive to electoral judicialization if the mathematical advantages are on its side.
The contentious electoral dimension constitutes an area of guarantee for democratic legality; However, in Mexico it has served to keep resentments and useless factionalism alive. An electoral process that does not give rise to protests contributes to the governability of Mexico.