Puebla. Perpetual political violence
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
What happened in Tecamachalco cannot be evaded as a sign of the radical competition and frontal struggle for power that the entity is experiencing. Times are filled with violence every time a government succession looms and, unfortunately, rudeness is transmitted to society, which is also shattered. Puebla is, each government period, more montuna, peasant, caciquil, poor.
The deceased analyst, Dr. Raymundo García, stated that the conflicts for control of Puebla were led by two types of PRI members: those who were entrusted to the Federal District and those who protected local interests. Ceteris Paribus, the criterion continues to adjust to reality. At the same time, the solution also takes effect: Order! Even if it comes from the center; it is exposed in another work of central importance to understand local politics.
How much disorder are poblanos capable of supporting? Much. Like all Mexicans. So long, until the victims are members of the political class. The disorder does not support the caciques.
The force that the political cliques use to resolve their differences results in the fall of socioeconomic indicators, in the incompetence of public policies, deinstitutionalization and the charismatic horror of the actors who represent the authority.
As a result of morenovallismo, violence in the entity has increased exponentially. But who can say that he was not morenovallista? If the violence were the product of the death throes of Morenovallismo, the state of things would be understood; However, what represents the level of terror that things reach, is a political struggle and factional struggle where Moreno-Valles is no longer the protagonist. They are the historical leaderships that are presumed indispensable, but that have led Puebla down the path of impoverishment. The State continues to lose everything in front of Tlaxcala and Veracruz, the sentence of "die intelligence" remains the core.
As in any struggle, the animosity of the protagonists makes them lose sight of the urgent need to rebuild democratic governance. Political institutions have not been transformed in Puebla, which implies that scenarios such as Zacatecas, Guerrero, Tamaulipas or Sinaloa, will soon become our paradigm.