Dress up as a spy
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
January 2020
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
January 2020
Espionage is a natural condition of survival and adaptation. Surreptitiously looking at the actions of others is one of the oldest behaviors of humanity.
The hidden observation allowed social groups to exchange knowledge to survive. However, information constitutes a treasure that, like any source of power, decreases its capacity when it is generalized. Perhaps because of this, power tends to be encrypted, stored as far as possible and simulated to inhibit the depletion of its hegemony.
Spying is accompanied by secrecy, encryption, silence, masks and facades; the multiple and most varied militancy. This dynamic corresponds to the evolution and involution of humanity. Spy power, counterpower too. Infiltration and mutual understanding is mutual, and whoever keeps mental health against the terrifying aspect of supremacy wins. In all social spheres, espionage is a necessary element for control and change. Its main strategies are related to lies, darkness and deception, sometimes it may seem simple magic and trickery; in others, it deploys complicated mechanisms. Politics, as the Old Man of the Portal invented by Carlos Fuentes said, is a game of dumb, secrets, betrayals and sabotages.
What in the twentieth century, and perhaps now, is called intelligence, was a stealthy and covert condition for knowing in-depth contexts and accessing vital information in the field of geopolitics by the powers, generating the creation and destruction of broad regional, economic and human sectors. In the bipolar and then unipolar world, power remained spying and structuring a society of vigilance and control to maintain balance. Political society was born not only to inhibit human beings in their capacity for evil but also to spy and control.
A work has been published recently that deepens the topic of the Mexican extreme right in a historical and academic sense. Although phenomena such as monarchical conservatism, Christianity, sinarquism and the extreme right have allowed an approach to the issue of identity of the Mexican right, things are not clear and, therefore, texts such as Fernando M. González report better situation. Fractured Secrets Stamps of conspiracy Catholicism in Mexico (2019) by Editorial Herder, refers to the Jesuit habitus, which exceeds the abilities of study or leadership, and that includes, and above all, the ability to spy, conspire and exercise chaos where religious institutionalism Catholic always gets his way.
The work adds to other investigations by Fernando M. González on clerical pedophilia, corruption and illicit enrichment of characters such as Marcial Maciel and the Legionaries of Christ, as well as others whose roots come from spying, lying, infiltrating, conspiring and corrupting from time of the Cristero War, giving rise to various secret and reserved Catholic societies during most of the twentieth century in Mexico characterized by the Jesuit DNA. Therefore, what the author maintains in the theoretical framework that allows him to articulate his data is contradictory; While it is true that many of the structures described seem to be part of the prehistory of espionage and secrecy, Catholic fundamentalism continues to be one of the most important factual powers. One of the spy institutions par excellence is the Holy See and its Catholic nationalists who have allowed the extension of pedophilia, corruption and authoritarianism where Catholicism is the predominant religion. Even when society is undressed in the face of the current media and espionage technologies are extremely advanced, the old habits - judicial, according to the author - continue to set the standard for conservatism to be hegemonic.
Circumscribed the work to the experience of Catholic nationalism in Guadalajara, Jalisco, the information shared by the author goes beyond listing names, families, organizations, businesses, politics, violence and corruption. The regional study is a sample to understand the actions of the extreme right in Mexico and Latin America. As a good historian, the author renounces simplifying models used in the social sciences and, above all, journalism. However, as a psychologist, he also knows that theories and archetypes describe a reality that even when invisible is manifest. Everyone knows that there is no witchcraft, but that there are witches, there are.
The 4T government has suffered several attacks from internal and external groups that seek to force it not to leave the schemes that neoliberalism raised and that, perhaps, since World War II have been established. Jesuit geopolitics held Mexico hostage to the Holy See and the United States. The ideals of the Mexican revolution were contained by the structuring of the extreme right according to the anti-communist Catholicism of catacombs and, then, have not been corrected by the progressive structuring of Catholicism itself. The Jesuits owe a violent right and left, confessionals, spies and simulators.
The experience of education in Guadalajara is also the sample button to understand the country's school institutions. Education remains the eternal battlefield between conservative, classist, colonial and counter-reformist thinking against true and liberating enlightenment. Unfortunately, as the author maintains, in all cases militancy and recruitment matter more than academic probity. Education allows the incorporation of new elements into the ruling classes of the country as well as the exposure of the values, uses and customs that the social order keeps. From there you must understand the possibility of social change and modernization.
Samuel Schmidt had described the failed Mexican democracy as a supplanted state where factual powers (drug trafficking, religion and mass media) imposed government agendas and structured the social order. With all this, and despite greater scientific elements, Fernando M. González refuses to point out that the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy is the tail that moves the dog of social control in our country. His work provides significant data to understand the evolution of Jalisco Nazifascism, but leaves many questions unanswered. What is the meaning of so many discrete and reserved organizations? What is the purpose of thousands of confessional educational institutions? Why do Catholic nationalists infiltrate and spy on all elements of the social order? Why eliminate and hurt thousands of communists, opponents, dissidents and freethinkers? How did you become experts in defamation and persecution campaigns? Why does the clerical bureaucracy have so much economic power and appears attached to the business sector?
Finally, there are scandalous silences. Unveiling the catacombs of the extreme right does not imply recognizing that their time has run out, or that their mechanisms are no longer operational in today's society; they are the most public secret societies; but, also, those that have enormous potential for convocation, economic capacity and dark propaganda. The experience of the Rosicrucian Freemasonry and the different American security agencies, which allow their exposure when nothing can affect them, when they have the helm and have set a course, comes up; perhaps when, under the guise of denunciation, what they are really after is sending a message to their detractors and at the same time renewing their structures. Thus, with everything and its silences, the book indicates the magnitude of the Great Catholic Conspiracy.