Presidentialism: The disease of Latin American democracies

Presidentialism: The disease of Latin American democracies
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
2019 December

https://infoquorum.com/notas/2019/12/16/Opini%C3%B3n/Presidencialismo:_La_enfermedad_de_las_democracias_latinoamericanas_?fbclid=IwAR2CmtKWyoxnC4zMCuCzJ3fbaCLb85hbqWruiXDUbFJkr7xcA-L0b82EkdM

During an academic event to discuss the forms of government in Latin America held in one of the most progressive intellectual centers of the BUAP, several years ago, the intellectuals of the moment prochavistas and priistas guadalupanos, showed little tolerance or true bad education, when they were unable to listen and analyze a paper based on the hypothesis of Juan Linz regarding the inability of presidentialism to withstand the pressures of contexts such as Latin America. In the region, the difficulties of the presidential government intensified by economic stagnation, social clevages, drug trafficking and political factionalism must be recognized. Juan Linz's question continues to be important for any Latin American coup: If in 1973 Chile had been Parliamentary, would the coup d'etat have occurred? Beyond the revolutionary passions, intellectual divas and anti-imperialist nationalism, the answer is NO.

The fragility of the presidential scheme leads Linz to propose Parliamentarianism as an adequate form of confrontation between the Executive and Legislative Power, omitting the non-institutional participation of the Army, the Militia and Imperialisms.

This idea cannot be seriously discussed by the radical right or left. The Revolution and Counterrevolution do not understand constitutional engineering. The Revolution and Counterrevolution observe the legality to break it and destroy the other. The Right, above all, is the one that most sympathizes with the coup, military dictatorships and imperialist interventionism. Linz's own Spain suffered the political violence of clerofascism when Francoism dynamited, from abroad, the legitimate Spanish parliamentary republic.

The crisis of presidentialism has accompanied the democratic experiences of Latin America generating disagreements that always end in the revolution, coup d'etat or North American interventionism.

Mexico has been confronted with these scenarios since 1994, and the State Reform does not address the high probability of presidential failure outside the United States.

The Mexican left has finally taken part in the constitution of the government, and has to face the governance crises that Latin American presidentialism has. However, knowing how the story ends, the parliamentarization of presidentialism does not occur and the shielding of electoral legitimacy, as well as military loyalty, are only hollow forms.

The ghost of the Tragic Ten round and few perceive it, the traitors always keep the script of the time - they do not know how to do anything else - and bet on the disorder and chaos to get outside interventionism. The Right hopes, as in 1913, to raise its Victoriano Huerta so that the Holy See, Spain and the United States legitimize the lineage of the Creole Hispanic oligarchy.

López Obrador says he admires Benito Juárez, but increasingly he behaves more like Francisco I. Madero. Both are distinguished by a fervor of being martyrs that is not long before the North American Embassy, ​​the National Catholic Party - I mean, the National Action Party - and a Toral Lion, like them.

It is incomprehensible that, as in the Maderista government, President López Obrador considers the acts of the extreme right to be democratic, does not control the Army and yields so many spaces to his enemies.

President Madero never believed in Victoriano Huerta's betrayal, admitted that the press was critical and severe towards his person as never before and agreed with Catholic and Neoporfirist nationalists to rule innocently. In the end, in ten days, nobody came to defend or support him. His death was necessary to give free rein to the anarchy that benefits the business of war, to the grudges and envies so characteristic of Spanish-American DNA and bloodshed that reminds people, from time to time, how much value the lifetime.

Mexico does not need martyrs but leaders capable of making the necessary historical adjustments to improve structural conditions that reduce the gap between rich and poor, that end the pigment and promote evolutionary institutions. Neoliberalism remains buoyant and the interests of the Mafia del Poder have been affected at all.

Client support for popular social classes is useless, it is aspirin for cancer. If there are no expropriations, nationalizations and significant validation of the progressive discourse, Lopez Obrador's arrival to the presidency of the republic will have been of no avail. The initial triumphs of the 4T in nothing compare with the shameful capitulations that have happened later.

The experience of Puebla has been placed as an exemplary mode of the morenista project; However, it also reveals the moorings and liabilities that mark the National Regeneration Movement. A governor who takes the first photo of the moment with the Bishop, who leaves the far right in control of the main state agencies such as Social Development, Education, Governance, Infrastructure and Communications; the Legislative, Judicial Power, as well as the bureaucracy of the main local governments, only leads to consider Morena as a disabled government. It was wise to Ing. Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas when saying that AMLO has nothing to do with the Mexican Left.

Vox, the Spanish party of the Mexican extreme right, has the same behavior as Alfonso XIII, Ramiro de Maeztu or the Spanish Colony of the Madero era. Not to mention the generals who increasingly admire Victoriano Huerta, Augusto Pinochet or Francisco Franco. Only missing Henry Lane Wilson, Mister Danger, who longs for the oligarchy.

As a fortuitous and contradictory situation, the permanence of López Obrador depends on the permanence of Donald Trump; at least it does coincide with Benito Juárez.

The Mexican extreme right needs US foreign support; However, the United States has been able to understand that the storms unleashed by these groups, although at first they are a good business, over time are causes of serious problems that spread to North America. The French intervention in Mexico, the experience of the Second Empire, encouraged the strength and combativeness of the Confederate Army that almost won the Civil War of American Secession. The Christianity mobilized the Holy See that planted itself with great force in North American territory and then manipulated its foreign policy and government decisions. Neoliberalism has generated the largest emigration to North America, the Mexicanization of the American South that terrifies Samuel Huntington and George Friedmann. Of drug trafficking better or talk, there are the consequences of Posadas Ocampo. What would happen this time if they support the overthrow of López Obrador?

North America must promote the parliamentation of Latin America and Catholic nationalists must learn to be Mexican. It is true of Perogrullo that parliamentary models are able to digest intransigent multiparty systems and rhetoric better than presidentialism. Similarly, a character can remain in power widely without violating the characteristics of procedural democracy.

As for public policies, it is understood that Mexico is the backyard of one of the main superpowers and has to deal with the mode of implementation approved by the US executive. Newdealism now comes from North America and the right knows it; However, their selfishness, classism, ambition and religious belonging do not let them admit it. They prefer to abide by the Gay Lobby of the Holy See rather than understand the urgent need to be part of the social capital to save our country and a good part of the Latin American population.

If Donald Trump is collapsed by the Impeachment or loses the elections, López Obrador, like Vicente Fox, will remain in the dream of complete enchilada and absolute impotence.

Joy Langston has questioned the excess of the extreme right and her intellectual circles to confront President López Obrador. They are the first anti-democrats and democracies have the right to defend themselves. Benito Juarez fled and shot in the name of the Mexican republic and sovereignty, killed the clerofascist ideas with all the reason of an independent and victorious people of imperialism. The Mexican extreme right will continue to play Adolfo Hitler while the Weimar Republic, the loving republic, does not confront the historical enemies of the Mexican people.