The Mexican War. Between Andreas Schedler and the political science

The Mexican War. Between Andreas Schedler and the political science

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2017/04/27/La-Guerra-Mexicana-Entre-Andreas-Schedler-y-el-quehacer-politol%C3%B3gico
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

A few weeks ago, derived from the death of Giovanni Sartori, some of the theoretical arguments of the Italian political scientist were used to show the diminished level of the social sciences in the country. The Mexican technocracy has insisted ad nauseam on the need to contain critical thinking and the uncompromising rhetoric of opponents and subaltern groups in Mexico who disagree with neoliberalism and its rampant corruption. This is not the first time critical thinking has been misused as a lost reason or heresy. Religious and economic fundamentalism constantly assaults dissenting ideas. This argument is also used to characterize public universities as crucibles of communists, guerrillas, homosexuals and drug addicts. Gabriel Zaid and the Intermarium Fascist have been systematically responsible for distorting the independent meaning of public institutions of higher education. Chairo seems to be the concept, created from the high spheres, for who questions the neoliberal dogma.

Sartori, in the last stages of his theoretical work, criticized the exaggerated quantitative form that political science had taken. The figures seemed to bias the understanding or obscure the information. Together, this made political science an elephant with feet of clay destined to die (César Cansino). Sartori's position on this debate is the attempt to bring science to a close, in general, from power. It is more valuable Giovanni Sartori that criticizes the castration that the methodology has done to political science as well as the damage that the TICS produce in the human. There is the technocratic imbecility that does not understand that it does not understand.

An element to reflect on Sartori and Political Science in Mexico comes to be the study of Andreas Schedler on the Mexican Postmodern War. Finally, the indicators that so much demand the technocrats have confirmed the scenario that both were responsible for censoring. Not only do the "Neo-liberal Naive Handbook" remain to answer the disqualification that has made of his administration Donald Trump, but, they insist on their economic fundamentalism to deny the situation of the country.

Mexico is in War, according to CIDE political scientist, who finally decided to get serious and abandon the Electoral Gutierritos (Leo Zuckermann) who confuse politics with juggling voter numbers. The review of the book, as well as the comments of some of the most important editorialists, leave no room for doubt. The serious thing is in the obsession of the political class to continue denying the situation. Just as members of organized crime do. The oligarchy of the country is the one who plays the most informative speculation. Entrepreneurs and politicians have been in charge of questioning the social sciences with critical or hermeneutical characteristics. They even claim that the possibility of radically questioning the Mexican regime is indicative of the country's democratic health.

That Mexico is in War has been said in various ways for quite some time. Narcorepública, Failed State, Government at the service of Evil, Republic Mafiosa, Sicilian State, Kiriarcado Caciquil, etc. Are the indicators of Andreas Schedler sufficient for the frivolity of our technocrats? Impossible to know in a country where the government only distinguishes its ability to plunder. Paradoxically, the claims of more technical social scientists are worth a cucumber for the mirreyes of the political class. Beyond being censured, social quantitativists must now assimilate the Godinez, Gutierritos Electorales, messalinas and recommended under which they have to perform their work. That is, for beginning, the INEGI case. Do measures still weigh more than criticism in such a scenario?

The Mexican War is one of the factors that explains the xenophobic policy of Donald Trump. This situation requires further analysis by national political science. If Mexico has the capacity to self-regulate; Perhaps, isolation is necessary. However, the civil conflict of our country can spread very soon to North America as considered it the prospectivist George Friedman. A difference in this respect, the war between Mexico and the United States is based on the crime cartels that are in both countries and are the real spearheads that advance territorially in the American Union. A conflict between the United States and the Mexican Cartels would be similar to the Civil War of 1863 where Mexica could emerge. Mexico has approximately 21 drug cartels to which the United States supplies weapons.

The Mexican Civil War can also be attractive to the enemies of the United States. In the first half of the twentieth century, the Austro-Hungarian Empire and Nazi Germany were not enough to take advantage of the bellicosity of the Mexican Revolution to the detriment of the United States; However, the geographical position is there. A country without political, economic, social and military intelligence is a vulnerable flank for the United States. The situation in Mexico may also be one of the ways in which the Norkorean government could defeat North America through an alliance with Mexican drug traffickers. Beyond the mass destruction of the Anglo-Saxon people, the use of drugs is also a form of efficient domination. Perhaps the Wall does not solve things, how many "Operation Shield", Israel-style, would have to develop North America to defend itself against such a neighborhood.

Andreas Schedler's study shows the need for Mexico to be intervened by UN-NATO, it is necessary in the face of a scenario like the one approaching in 2018. The inability manifested in government and institutions can lead the country to a situation Like that of ExYugoslavia. A Balkanized zone that generates an emigration and violence without precedent to the last bastion of the declining western culture.

There is much to be done in Mexican political science. The first thing is perhaps to impose a critical element on him, before the method - as the last Sartori could well think - turns it into a discipline of entertainment that is no longer even pleasing to power.

Schedler Andreas (2015) In the fog of war. Citizens facing organized criminal violence. CIDE. Mexico

USA: Light on the street, darkness of his house

USA: Light on the street, darkness of his house

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2017/04/14/Estados-Unidos-Candil-de-la-calle%E2%80%A6

The US bombing of Syria and Afghanistan as well as the provocations against North Korea show that the geopolitics of the White House want to continue with the useless exercise of competing for the Russian, Chinese and Islamic natural areas of influence. Donald Trump's performance on the international stage will be worse than Barack Obama's since Western hegemony is over. As America wears out controlling global terrorism, its natural space tends to become more complex and more serious.

The solution to Muslim fundamentalism depends on respecting the Central States of the Middle East. As Samuel Huntington pointed out, globalization must consider cultural differences if it aspires to generate communication between different peoples. North America must retreat to the limits of its living space and this forces Donald Trump to reconsider public policies within his country as well as in the immediate perimeter.

The United States during the Cold War era maintained a similarity between its foreign policy and national interest. Now, this superpower no longer has the ability. So that the government of the American Union can stop, at least, the American decadence, it is necessary that they reformulate the policy of isolationism and exceptionalism that was the axis of the Trump campaign.

Undoubtedly, Russia has more capacity to control Muslim terrorism than North America itself. Distance has generated new costs and technological change is also a variant to consider.

If Donald Trump aspires to become the Native American Son trying to build a new country, he would have to look at the experience of Vladimir Putin. This leader, according to the political scientist Richard Sakwa, emerges at a time when a great economic, political and social crisis is generated that cost several losses to a Russia attacked by the worst wild capitalism and an internal civilizational conflict for the disenchantment with the democracy and the globalization. It has taken Putin almost two decades to get Russia back. In this years America has been deeply mistaken. It is no longer the context of the Cold War, now the world is a site too complex and, rather than ideologies, it is cultures that will determine the course of international relations.

The "Trump Era" is beginning to become an ambiguous governance. His government must explain and justify what has happened to the radical measures that had been arranged in the beginning. The attack on Syria and Afghanistan is a replica of Barack Obama's mistakes. Donald Trump should put order in his house and yard of it. Looking at the figures published a few months ago by the important mexican journalist Carlos Ramirez on the subject of drug addiction in USA, there remains the doubt as to who is the real enemy of the American Union (Indicador Político 14/02/17) . How long will Donald Trump do something right for his people? The government of the United States is increasingly similar to that of Mexico. Perhaps the Mexicanization of North America is inevitable. The planned inefficiency (Samuel Schmidt) qualifies a government that disengages social pathologies and is more concerned with developing them.

The confrontation with Russia, China and Iran is unnecessary for the United States, precisely these Central States are now responsible for stability in their civilizing spaces. America is no longer, it can not be, the police of the world and continue the wear and tear in conflicts outside their identity limits. Military action in the Middle East is a way of procrastinating the internal tasks that correspond to the American government.

China, Russia and Iran can take actions similar to Donald Trump based on the arguments of the White House. How would Washington or the Pentagon react if one of these countries decided to bomb Mexico as a result of the power of political narcotics? Mexican mafias grow uncontrollably and increasingly involve more people. The Mexican government is not only incapable of controlling the situation and enforcing, at a minimum, the rule of law. The neoliberal technocratic class is, above all, an accomplice of evil. The migration, poverty, violence, systematic violation of human rights that stimulates DAESH is the same that in Latin America causes drug trafficking and government corruption.

The United States has to decide correctly on the role that, from the election of Donald Trump, must play in the international arena. US isolationism is an opportunity for multipolar globalization to take shape and Central States act consistently in maintaining stability within their immediate environment. The return of America to itself, to its origins, is also necessary for the world. Western evangelization has failed, and it becomes an emergency to slow down modernity so that every civilization can fulfill its task.

China, Russia and Iran have the same right to intervene in the spaces near North America with the arguments that Donald Trump has used. If the Pentagon seeks to place itself in a situation similar to the scene of the Missile Crisis in 1962, it must now multiply the USSR by three or perhaps raise it to the hub. Donald Trump can be the subject that regenerates the United States or the lunatic that causes the end of humanity.

Quetzalcoatl its a Chinese Dragon

Quetzalcoatl its a Chinese Dragon

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2017/04/08/Quetzalc%C3%B3atl-es-un-drag%C3%B3n-chino

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Nexos Magazine circulated a series of analyzes regarding the situation that deprives Mexico and the United States in the wake of the election victory of Donald Trump. They emphasize the ideas of Fernando Escalante Gonzalbo whose reflections on the Mexican social order are well known and have responded directly to Anglo-Saxon xenophobia; However, in contrast to the unprecedented relationship that now poses North America, there is no reason. Donald Trump and his supporters - who are not few and there are several Latinos there - have canceled the Western vocation that Mexico and Latin America could have developed. Then, too, it becomes necessary to ask the inevitable question Who are we?

The rejection of North America to Mexico forces to modify the model of country that is intended to build. It is necessary to look for the civilizational nucleus to which the deep nation belongs and, as can be seen, neither Spain nor North America are coherent models to boost our development processes.

In the case of Spain, we only share the sense of fragmentation and factionalism. The Spains are reflected in the different types of Catholicism that exist in Latin America and particularly in our country. Moves to tragicomedy that the intransigent integral Catholics pretend to imagine the unity of Latin America around the medieval bet of Catholicism that even in the Peninsula does not exist anymore. Elio Masferrer Kan has postulated a typology of Catholic pluralism best suited to the Mexican context based on demographic changes, encompassing regionalisms, ethnicities, historical speeds, and evangelical attitudes. The ideal types he exposes are: Traditional Catholics, Indigenous Catholics, Mestizo Catholics, Popular Catholics, Catholics of Liberation Theology, Catholics of the Bajio, Catholics of Prosperity Theology, Catholics of Charismatics, Catholics Influenced by the Second Vatican Council , Liberal Catholics from Veracruz, Catholics from the border and Catholics from non-American minorities. This taxonomy is inclusive and recognizes dynamic multicultural factors in the social trajectory of the country that enrich the interpretation of the Catholic Church-State conflict. This characterization of Mexican Catholicism is interesting not only to show how modernity and democracy have penetrated the Catholic world but also to classify forms of religiosity and beliefs that, even when assumed as Catholic, have similarities and antagonisms that guide their Behavior and allow predicting the search for meaning in social structures. (Masferrer, 2011: 23)

As far as North America is concerned, it is clear that the market and modernization do not lead to democracy by themselves. In fact, it can be said that North America has felt in its own right the experience and, therefore, they reject the Mexicans. Material modernization is not enough, mental and cultural modernity is necessary. As explained in the magazine, the elites only relied on emigration and international trade as a route to integration with the United States, which - alas - has gone worse. The market did not generate the breeding ground for Mexico to opt for westernization. From 1994 on, a schizophrenic attitude emerged that culminated in a Narcissistic Republic whose trade is the sicilianization of any social fabric it finds. Slowly North America realizes the seriousness of this neighborhood and the responsibility it has in it.

Against the anti-Mexicanism of Western culture, particularly Anglo-Saxon, it is necessary to reconsider in what geopolitical space our country can develop. If, as Huntington and Octavio Paz point out, the Indo-Hispanic core is so resilient in the country's political culture that it inhibits modernization, capitalism, formality and, consequently, liberal democracy. Will it not be necessary to look at experiences near The indigenous tradition our civilizing form? Carol Miller has tried to highlight the ancient ties between Asian civilization and pre-Columbian groups in Latin America. Do we have to look at Asia instead of Europe and the United States? Are there any more coincidences with China, the Philippines, Thailand, India, Pakistan, Vietnam, Korea, Singapore, etc. than with other societies?

In Asia, the contemplative, animistic, pantheistic and harmonious condition with time / space has generated a laudable balance between technology and nature, tradition and modernity, dynamism and reflection, agriculture and industry, etc. Without being exempt from authoritarian periods and totalitarian measures, the sacralization of nothingness generates a conformity at the base of the social order, which establishes a slowing down of social change. With all the celerity that the globalizing model has taken, the Asian giant does not despair. The parsimony has been their way of coexistence and the results have not been bad. Sometimes by magnitude, sometimes by stubbornness, or by the context, modernity does not generate as many conflicts as can be seen in our surroundings. Peter Berger and Samuel Huntington explain, with all the contradictions involved, the fact that there are different currencies on the Asian continent.

Modernity is not a blank check and in Mexico there has been a lack of awareness about it. The wall of Donald Trump may be the Chinese Wall which, finally, forces the country to take seriously a project of civilization. The death of the United States and the decline of Western civilization are so forceful that, several months ago, they had to push in Mexico to lay the first stone of a barrier that could save their sense of life.

Nicolas Berggruen and Nathan Gardels (2013) have found in Asian processes a peculiar form of intelligent governance for countries like Mexico. The authoritarian bureaucratism, Asian despotism or Mongolian Tartar command; May be references that political elites would have to seriously consider to work for a country that is crumbling. Mexican authoritarianism is a patrimonialism without meaning. However, technocrats maintain the dogma of neoliberal globalization; In reality, their Indo-Hispanic DNA turns them into Mirreyes and Caciques of Harvard University. The Military Technocratic Bureaucracy of Guillermo O'Donell has not worked well to develop the process of westernization and democracy. The political processes in the United States allow us to understand the need for Mexican political leaders to emerge in the style of nationalist Maoism who, before advocating socialist and communist policies, will take the necessary measures to build a nation. If America imposes the Wall but continues to support neoliberal technocratic elites, the flow of drugs, violence, and culture of poverty will increase exponentially to make the United States a simile of the China Opiate, an American Babylon. On the other hand, if North America allows nationalist leaders to triumph, modernization is likely to generate processes similar to the experience of the Asian Tigers and to build social virtues that will inhibit the harmful neighborhood that has hitherto grown between our countries.

Devil in a blue dress. The force of evil in the Mexican political system

Devil in a blue dress. The force of evil in the Mexican political system

http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2017/04/01/diablo-con-vestido-de-azul-la-fuerza-de-la-maldad-en-el-sistema-politico-mexicano/

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Poverty is constituted as the source of all evils, factionalism springs as one of the major pathologies. All peoples have gone through stages of severe economic crises, and only national unity, moderation in social inequality, civility and values, allow us to overcome problems.

The neoliberal economic model has been one of the productive schemes to which the generation of poverty is most correlational. The imposition of the catalaxia to the politics, have come to destroy the State and the civic virtues. Factionalism is constituted thanks to a phase of extreme imitation, its dynamics generate a complexity that, viewed from the sociological categories, hinders development, democracy and civilization. Hence the importance of the formation of the State and its institutions. In developing countries where poverty becomes structural, factionalism ends up covering the economic, political and social order.

Roderic Ai Camp expressed, during the exhaustion of the hegemonic party, that the problem of Mexico was a matter of power between camarillas. With all the enormous criticism that can be made to the elitological approach, his prosopographic studies allow us to understand the degree of institutionalization or failure that the government has. It is necessary to say, then, that with Carlos Salinas de Gortari not only the State of the Mexican Revolution went but also the institutional set that, more or less, had generated an order with respect to the political succession in Mexico. What has come next is a barbaric war between factions for power. To this bag must be introduced the rights and lefts that have been contaminated DNA that the Revolutionary Family had.

One of the most powerful factions that the Mexican political system has had is the Atlacomulco Group; The most fearsome mutation. In different sexennial periods their power was increased as well as their peculiar way of organizing things. The accumulation of economic and political capital, led them to face Salinism and seize the Official Party as well as - partly - the presidency of the republic during the government of Ernesto Zedillo. The Atlacomulco Group is responsible for the modernization failure that neoliberalism intended.

Suddenly, the figure of Carlos Salinas - Mustafa Kemal Ataturk to Samuel Huntington - lost legitimacy and the Zedillo current had to be reaffirmed by agreeing with some excluded and confronted politicians and groups. Zedillo accepted the support of the Atlacomulco Group, which at that time led the forces of the Institutional Revolutionary, facing Carlos Salinas to the limit. The Zedillo sexenio promoted even more the breaking of the revolutionary family and the compact group, making in the three blocks of power were seen interlaced Salinistas, Cordobistas, Hankistas, colosistas, etc., and using the factions according to the termidor of his six years . For example, using hankistas to subdue the Salinistas, but abandoning them at the beginning of the succession.

Ernesto Zedillo broke each and every one of the rules of the revolutionary pact: he abdicated his functions, the healthy distance of the party, the ferocious persecution of his predecessor, the evident partiality to his closed clique, false honesty preached to the four winds, the steps Zigzagging; All contributed to the collapse. Their weak bureaucratic supporters felt empowered to do the same. Zedillo's "moral influence" or, if one prefers, an understandable political concern, would have considered the perils of a PRI coming to the election of 2000. The open quarrels between the currents of the party and the Revolutionary Family, as well as the debatable ones Personal antecedents of corruption in the public function or of participation in criminal backgrounds of the candidates completely broke the stability of the Mexican political system. The fear of Ernesto Zedillo to avoid the arrival of the PRI was that the rupture of the old regime propitiated, among other things, that the factions, mafias and criminal organizations that were part of the so-called "Revolutionary Family" gained autonomy and multiplied their power. Beyond the political struggle between these factions, the evidence indicates that the Revolutionary Family was trying to turn Mexico into a narco-state, or into a "mafia state", because of the complicated fabric of organized crime and the apparatus of power.

The incapacity or complicity of the PAN during its presidential administrations allowed the strengthening of the Atlacomulco Group and the political recovery of the PRI in 2012. Right now, in the State of Mexico is articulated an alliance where the Mexican extreme right is willing to allow the Atlacomulco Home Continue being tricolor as well as ratify that a cousin of the Clan can accede to the candidacy blanquiazul for the presidency of the republic. The failure of National Action in the State of Mexico will undoubtedly benefit Rafael Moreno Valle.

The agreements between El Yunque and Grupo Atlacomulco reflect the future that awaits the country. The State of Mexico constitutes one of the entities with greater economic capacity even from the colonial time; However, it is inexplicable that the PRI dominion has been prolonged for so long as well as the terrible results in its social and economic indicators. Enrique Peña Nieto was one of the worst governors of his entity and the country. It is the model that suits his clique and has been replicated where other collaborators of his have been also governors.

It is not the first time that corruption serves as a cement between the ultra-right and the cacique groups of the country. Their disguise of moderate liberals, conservatives and technocrats only serves to hide their colonial thought where they imagine the operation of the country as if it were a Treasury. The Creole lordship remains the main representation of his political thinking.

The radicalism of this pack against social justice and egalitarianism is the real obstacle to the modernization of Mexico. When they colluded to assassinate Franciso I. Madero, his antipopulista speech gained the legitimization of the North American government; But, it provoked a stage of violence that the historical negacionistas are in charge of hiding.

The present Mexico does not have a few zapatistas and Villistas hordes as in the concluding years of the Porfiriato. Crime groups, as well as community and guerrilla defenses, have multiplied exponentially because of poverty. The country is a stage of the novels of Tom Clancy, whose imagination has acquired a validity given the success of video games that take their scripts.

Will El Yunque, Grupo Atlacomulco and Victoriano Huerta have the capacity to contain the Carranza, Villa and Zapata that are approaching in a context where they no longer have the support of the United States?