Mobilizing National Populism in Latin America

 Mobilizing National Populism in Latin America

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

According to Menno Vellinga, the Latin American state had one of its most accurate projects for change and diagnoses when the letters of intent and the Washington Consensus established the economic, political, and social measures to carry out modernization and institutionalization processes. However, the technocratic vision was disrupted by a political class that sabotaged the processes of change and decided to regain patrimonialist inertia. Like Guillermo O'Donnell, he pointed out that the best model for Latin America was represented by Technocratic-Military Bureaucracy linked to Delegative Democracies, a weak situation for the consolidation of democracy in Latin America and economic growth; however, it was a starting point of no return for the establishment of a state from a Weberian and Constitutionalist perspective. It is true that this implied open-heart surgery without anesthesia; However, this is the prescription for a social order where the State does not have hegemony but rather relative autonomy from various groups and de facto powers.

However, for Vellinga, as well as for the Argentine scholar, historical inertia and cultural variables are stronger than state capacity, and therefore, Weak, Failed, or Facade States controlled by strong, motley, multi-cultural, authoritarian societies characteristic of the Habsburg Model prevail. The fact is that clientelist, populist, and social movement phenomena pose situations of ungovernability for the State, which ends up being held hostage by the bourgeoisie, oligarchies, or the ruling elites of social movements.

What is not fully understood in Latin America is that for the emergence of the State, it is essential to end the Habsburg Model as a social order. This configuration was a clientelist and corporatist arrangement developed since the colonial era with the preeminence of the Catholic Church, but it implies vulnerability to the processes of globalization and geopolitical competition, such as what is currently being experienced.

Under progressive governments, the state's presence is also not consolidated; activist and militant bureaucracy reveals the extreme weakness of the institutional order. The left in government promotes social mobilization as a spontaneous input for public policies, even though this means naively betting on an imaginary effective capacity. Social mobilization will not stop Donald Trump or the economic agenda imposed by the White House on our country.

The North American relationship with Mexico has taken a roller coaster course that demands a functioning state in our country. The lack of cohesion within Morena and, above all, respect for the directives of the Presidency of the Republic will end up undermining governability in the country and inciting Trumpism to develop more interventionist actions. The enormous gap between the activism of Morena officials and their concrete results demonstrates how important it is to take the task of governing seriously.

Public Education in Mexico: Business, Skills, and Health

 Public Education in Mexico: Business, Skills, and Health

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The actions of the Secretary of Public Education, Mario Delgado, have generated controversy between the conservatives and reformers of the Fourth Transformation. This could be seen as a healthy debate between subordinate groups and the pragmatic alliances of the current government, or as a clear sign of how López Obrador's administration continues to set the pace for Claudia Sheinbaum.

Public education in Mexico undoubtedly has an enormous task when it comes to nutrition; however, there are also other discussions that are equally important. The educational reform of the Fourth Transformation has not been implemented or materialized in a minimal way; there are only basic ways to understand what type of education and culture Morena seeks to promote among Mexicans.

Although dialogue between the Secretary of Public Education and the business sector can be considered a basic form of negotiation in democracies, the truth is that the Fourth Transformation, like any government, diminishes the mechanism of collective participation for decision-making. It is true that participatory democracy has its drawbacks; bureaucratic specialists must make decisions immediately; however, Mario Delgado's haste and his particular management style demonstrate that negotiations go beyond lobbying. Beyond the setups, debates, and generating public opinion, some suspicious individuals observe the construction of Mario Delgado's presidential candidacy with the patronage of outside sectors, as has occurred in various spheres where he participates.

Crony capitalism continues in full swing in Mexico, and this appears to be Mario Delgado's strategy. Public space is rented to the highest bidder, and academic content is of little importance. Faced with the challenges of the immediate future—China and the United States—this indicates that public officials are thinking about many things, except how to organize a problem and respond effectively to society.

Welfare scholarships have been important in supporting a large portion of Mexican students; however, they benefit the traditional business sector as the last link. Couldn't the Mexican government be more concerned with providing a public education that guarantees the increase in skills and competencies to face the dystopian world being posed by Donald Trump?

The López Obrador left is calling for strikes and mobilizations to demand compliance with the elimination of junk food in public schools; the importance of this issue is undeniable, but the development of technical and scientific skills for the future is more important. International indicators indicate that there are many academic problems in Mexico's public schools, and this is part of a debate that must one day be taken seriously. Mexico cannot continue to ignore the implementation of a homogeneous and functional educational reform, democratically and consciously constructed. When politics is removed from the educational issue, it will make an enormous contribution to Mexico's problems.

Trump. Weird American, the real Mister Danger

Trump. An weird american, the real Mister Danger

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

In recent days, a serious contradiction has begun to emerge in United States foreign policy regarding economic issues.

At times, President Trump seeks to isolate China from all countries and then offers a free trade agreement with the Asian giant. These ambiguities and zigzags put countries like Mexico and Latin America as a whole in a tremendous bind because they fail to understand how Trump intends to resolve the economic crisis in the United States.

The situation also demonstrates the terrible vulnerability of Mexico's productive structures and the lack of efficient strategies on the part of the ruling groups in the long run.

On the one hand, there isn't even a way to protect the domestic market; on the other hand, there is no will to create a regional economic bloc to jointly resist the crisis in the countries severely affected by Donald Trump's whims.

In Mexico, this translates into economic madness, radical expectations, confusion, and terrible fears.

What certainties remain for Mexico? First, it must address the issue of its migrants and secure the country's exports to North America.

It seems ridiculous, but it is a reality that the price of tomatoes, tortillas, and avocados depend on the presence of Asian products and immigrants considered enemies by the Trumpist Republicans; although this could change tomorrow.

Some of the measures taken by the Fourth Transformation in favor of Castro-Chavista Bolivarianism are surprisingly also included in the fentanyl and illegal immigration package. The incorporation of Caribbean and South American professionals, even with philanthropic and social purposes, ends up being a decision contrary to North American geopolitics.

There are no alternatives to avoid Mexico's economic dependence on the US, nor is there an economically powerful nation willing to rescue our country. On the contrary, we see that Mexican orphanhood is multiplying compared to other US geopolitical centers.

If Mexico survives, once again, it will be time to consider an economic model that begins soon; at least as an auxiliary option against scenarios like Trump's. Emergency economies at the local level, observed in rural and indigenous communities, can be survival mechanisms in these times. Barter and tequio should be viewed more as economic proposals and less as electoral populism.

The social system inherited from the 20th century culminated in Mexico's absolute dependence on the United States; but also in its complete rejection.

Somehow, the problem must be solved in the short term. A third Trump administration will be more than fatal for Mexico. National reconstruction is a more than indispensable measure.

Counterculture in Mexican Regional Music

Counterculture in Mexican Regional Music

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The debate surrounding the control of popular music in Mexico sometimes seems to misunderstand the country's situation. The US military intervention is presented right under the eyes of the republic as representing, for them, a narco-society, and on the nationalist side, the proliferation of musical messages is hailed as freedom of expression. The world is upside down.

It is strange that government intervention is rejected in areas that are necessary for social well-being. Beyond demanding that President Claudia Sheinbaum respect the symbolic devices of drug trafficking, one might wonder if these cultural controversies would convince Donald Trump to withdraw his battleships, destroyers, and aircraft carriers from the country's maritime borders.

If the Radio and Television Law in Mexico were enforced, like the rule of law, for example, the country's configuration would surely be different; However, the problem is institutional weakness, the government's limited capacity to enforce the law. It is unfair to compare cultural freedom in the Western world with what is happening in Mexico. Certainly, in the United States, unlimited freedom exists, but it is also true that state surveillance of the counterculture has managed to ward off the negative and terrorist impact that some national and foreign elements seek to generate with certain actions. In the experience of Germany and France, Islamic culture and fascism are regulated by historical memory and the national security circumstances they imply; establishing almost authoritarian but legitimate forms that force democracies to defend themselves and bring debate and knowledge of the issue into the public sphere.

The counterculture can represent the entry of anti-values ​​that disrupt a given social order. The weakness of the Mexican state vis-à-vis the powers that be makes the counterculture discourse the true hegemonic one, and that is how things are going for us. During the war waged by the Mexican state against drug trafficking, the symbolic production of drugs was negatively stigmatized, but this too has served little purpose. What would be the opinion of the searching mothers and victims of the narco-war regarding the unregulated production of the music that accompanies this context?

The legalization of drugs and narco-culture can set the tone for strengthening the state, because they allow for the establishment of a legal framework and even the generation of taxes and revenues; however, state intervention and public debate are important. As long as state weakness persists, the de facto and hegemonic powers will eventually crush us all until a monster like Yankee Imperialism crushes them, including all of Mexican society. Freedom is conditioned by the capacity that the social contract grants to the leader and the social awareness of the importance of public morality. President Claudia Sheinbaum is forced to resume the Calderónist war and rethink the strength of the state to avoid another material and symbolic defeat.

Mexico's Need for North America

 Mexico's Need for North America

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

The question regarding the form of US military intervention in Mexico depends only on time; everything seems to indicate that the geopolitical circumstances of the United States and the constant Mexican chaos will turn the Trumpist threat into concrete facts. Mexico's revolutionary nationalism and the second tier of the Fourth Transformation find themselves at a historical moment where the presence of the United States is more than necessary in the face of national vulnerability in the hurricane of changing international relations and the advance of criminality in the country, which constantly surpasses governability in various entities and the capacity for order at different levels of the State. The situation has reached such a point that there is no longer any form of respect or fear for the police or national security forces; governability simply vanishes. A social sentiment has begun to develop regarding the positive effects of US armed intervention, and once the process is carried out, perhaps the authorities will also decide to integrate their functions into the North American condition. The climax of Mexican nationalism has only served to confront the gravitational reality of the Mexican-American dynamic.

President Sheinbaum's ability to govern can only be strengthened by explicit material, military, and economic support from North America. Perhaps the Fourth Transformation is experiencing a Thermidor similar to the Mexican Revolution, and the United States is required to impose the control that the president has been unable to achieve. The powers that be and political actors of the past are betting on a situation of confrontation with President Sheinbaum, which is incomprehensible in terms of political activism, but logical from the perspective of a fierce struggle for power.

President Claudia Sheinbaum faces—like all heads of the national executive branch—harassment from the political groups that formed part of her coalition and presume they have the right to seize their share of power. That condition is impossible at this time, but Mexican cliques accustomed to greed, infiltration, and cover-up are unable to understand the risks facing the country in the face of global changes. The main reasons for Claudia Sheinbaum's conflicts are friendly fire, figures like Ricardo Monreal, Adán Augusto, and Lopezobradorism. Even the governors and local politicians loyal to these tendencies display a voracious particularism and ultra-factionalism that makes it impossible to distinguish who the allies supporting the president are. Morena is dynamiting Morena and the country in the mad race to protect shreds of power, caciques, clienteles, and corporations.

The Mexican political class has become a coven, but its ability to negotiate with authoritarian enclaves and invisible powers is complicated for Mexico. The Morena governors, in particular, are a strange mix of feudalism and satrapy, vying to surpass the previous PRIANRD governors in malice.

Mexican politics is determined by force. The Sonora Group, for example, had to impose itself with enormous violence against both insiders and outsiders; Not even General Porfirio Díaz contrasted his comrades in such a way; he simply assigned them the opposition of time, and during the PRI-TO regime, the United States was always the executioner and arbiter. The PRI culture inherited by Mexico is none other than that of Mars, and only the president of Mexico seems unaware of this. Has Donald Trump understood this? I hope so; otherwise, Mexico will become the Michoacanazo or Culiacanazo of Yankee imperialism.

The Meaning of the State in México

 The Meaning of ​​the State in Mexico

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

David Miller explains that Latin American states have attempted to shape themselves around the demands of North American imperialism, perhaps for this reason there are so many contradictions in the models they have tested. However, as is often the case with other perspectives of imitation, copycats try to be more representative than the original phenomenon; the imitator may end up being better than the original or generating a bizarre reality. This is how the process of neoliberalism has unfolded. Suddenly, among the various Mexican neoliberal analysts, there are enormous gaps between the arguments of those who speak of the need for a strong state to protect the market—internal or external—a state capable of fighting monopolies and crime, collecting taxes, and generating public order; however, others speak of a minimal state that advocates deregulation, decentralization, and allows the mercantile energies of the invisible hand to flow; the latter are part of anarchist libertarianism.

What is the ideal proportion? Everything depends, primarily, on the context. One of the errors that has underpinned the evolution of political and economic liberalism in our country emerges from the absence of liberal currents in the debate. Liberalism has become dogmatized by factional political interests, and each elite proposes the state model that suits its interests. Liberalism is a school of civilization and democracy that is denied in Latin America, where the Habsburg Model is imposed on democracy and capitalism—even on socialism.

Ideological and political impostures lead to the structuring of a transformist muégano that makes any kind of evolution and social change impossible. Rulers dream of governing, but in reality, the state barely survives the invisible power and barbaric strength of society.

The historical rupture in Latin America and the transformation of the feudal economic, political, and, above all, social structures are fundamental. The foolish republics must put their constitutions into practice and defeat the powers that deny their hegemony. Without this quantum historical leap, there will be no modernity or economic model to discuss. It's better to give the president a cassock and ensure the right of blood. The United States has found it useful to take advantage of institutional weakness in Latin America; however, in the face of the trade war with China and the geopolitical evolution of organized crime, solid states can prove to be more efficient allies and build stable policies. Given the current situation, Trump is increasingly resembling Morena and Hidalgo.

Sheinbaum and the Mickey Mouse Ears

 Sheinbaum and the Mickey Mouse Ears

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

Perhaps it is due to the pressure exerted by the United States, given the risk of an economic crisis of historic proportions due to exclusion from the North American dynamic. However, President Claudia Sheinbaum is beginning to establish a decision-making process that distances herself from her predecessor. It is true that Yankee demands regarding national security may violate the powers that be in Mexico; however, the trade balance weighs more heavily, and above all, interaction with the United States. Therefore, the Mexican government must abide by Donald Trump's dictates.

The idea of ​​North America, as Robert Pastor and Alain Rouquie pointed out, is a fatal destiny for Mexico. It is impossible to pursue a radical separation after long decades in which government and society in our country conceded productive structures, markets, and labor. It is complicated to reverse the processes of an integration that, due to its influence, is more than a constant; the Mexican-American relationship is an everyday phenomenon.

Mexico's relationship with the United States is more than a symbiosis. Sheinbaum's government has discovered that it is impossible to begin building an internal market and national industrialization under the current circumstances. The most important thing now is to maintain the relationship with North America and develop the order required by Yankee imperialism.

Sheinbaum is beginning to see support from the PRI (Private Institutional Revolutionary Party), the United States, business groups, and the Armed Forces, in addition to numerous Morena-led tendencies. The PRIMOR (National Revolutionary Party) brings Sheinbaum closer to the governability implemented by Enrique Peña Nieto. Hopefully, she will gain control of local powers to prevent a moral crisis that would encourage a highly competitive succession.

State governments and authoritarian enclaves have failed to understand the importance of the United States' formal and informal economy for Mexico. Little by little, the establishment of a collaborative game between Sheinbaum and Trump succeeds in safeguarding the second level of the fourth transformation in the techno-feudal process that the globalist US oligarchy is developing as an empire.

The contradictory governance that the Mexican political system develops through its intermediaries leaves no one satisfied; it always has been that way. It is impossible for the party in power to satisfy the needs of its electorate without considering the interests of the North American economic, political, and social power circles. AMLO survived in his own way, and Sheinbaum is beginning to build her own naval route. Hopefully, she will have enough time and the winds will favor her for the good of the republic.