CIENCIA POLÍTICA

 Latinos for Donald Trump Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero Some of the aspects that have been established in the electoral analysis after Donald Trump's victory are manifested in the hypothetical Latino vote for the Republicans. Some critics consider that the preferences of various Hispanic American groups living in the United States for Trumpism imply errors of consideration similar to self-sabotage or suicide. However, it is also true that there is an old Hispanic tendency for the Republicans since Nixon and Reagan that, because of its shame, in some cases, is not wanted to be noticed and much less studied. The anti-Castroites of Miami have their reasons for preferring the Republicans; but there are other causes and thoughts. Beyond the idea of ​​closing the door or removing the ladder, authors such as Samuel Huntington expose data and situations that allow us to notice changes in Hispanic American culture as well as a bumpy process of assimilation to the United States by Latinos

 Eduardo Verástegui and the MAGA in Mexico Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero Christian nationalism in our country is related to the pro-Yankee right. The latter is represented by Eduardo Verástegui and the project of Republican Mexico, both ideas rose with few followers and a weak electoral effect in the last electoral process. The efforts could not reach the legal threshold at the national and local level. However, Christian nationalism and republican identification are persistent. There is a possibility that Eduardo Verástegui will become a channel of intermediation with Donald Trump; however, for the Mexican right to remain close to this element, it is important to identify the goals of Trumpism and if there are still conditions for the scheme proposed by the pro-Yankee right in the last elections in our country. Republican Mexico and Verástegui supposed a strategy of incorporation into the United States that linked the dollarization of the country, the fight against drug trafficking

Morena and political liberalization  Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero  Although there is talk of a change of regime in our country, the transfuguism or migration of PRI and PAN members to Morena predominates, and with it, the survival of the old regime. José Antonio Crespo proposed in his analyses during the PAN presidential alternation that the Mexican transition was characterized mainly by political liberalization rather than by a deepening of democracy and consolidation. Liberalization was controlled by the revolutionary coalition and, given the facts of the judicial reform, it can be said that the hypothesis proposed by Crespo is valid. It seems that revolutionary nationalism never lost control of the political and economic changes in the country and, even now, it regains power to return the legal framework to the meager rules prior to perestroika and glasnot that neoliberalism meant. The supreme power in the country is represented by Morena; or whatever that means. It is not expre

 The reconstruction of the Mexican State Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero The legislative processes that have generated controversy and irritation in the opposition that claims to characterize Claudia Sheinbaum's government as a dictatorship, imply nothing other than the deconstruction of the State after a neoliberal period that dismantled public institutions. The experience of the changes that removed the pillars of Mexican constitutionalism identified with the Mexican revolution, were more serious than those discussed now, unconstitutional and illegal, authoritarian and dictatorial - as in the case of the 500 murdered PRD members -; but the historical memory of the opposition manipulates the evidence and the process of counter-reforms. The face of the Mexican revolution began to change since the presidency of Miguel de la Madrid, it was not in the friendly and democratic way that the opponents of the Fourth Transformation now demand. It is true that the parliamentary task require

 Labastida Ochoa and the neoliberal rupture Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero Although he corresponds with the politicians associated with Miguel de la Madrid, the last candidate of the Hegemonic Party PRI, Labastida Ochoa, joins the moral crusades that seek to regenerate the old Official Party. He is a moderate politician who makes his appearance, probably demanding that the old PRI be purged of the current leader Alito Moreno. The moderation and prudence of Francisco Labastida led him to be the weakest candidate of the PRI that would allow the triumph of Vicente Fox. Just as Miguel de la Madrid was a politician imposed from the White House and supported by the Mexican ultra-right that prepared the arrival of neoliberalism, Labastida submitted to Zedilloism to accept the North American conditions that demanded political alternation in Mexico. The attempts to break with Zedilloism are probably inscribed in the tune of breaking with neoliberalism and recovering some shreds of the traditi

Donald Trump: Unity against divisive progressivism? Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero  Donald Trump: unity against divisive progressivism Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero Diplomat Francisco Cruz González, contributor to the magazine Siempre, refers to the risk of secession that threatens various political systems due to the development of the neoliberal economy and the social polarization generated. He alludes to the work of Peter Turchin to predict the conflicts between nationalist and globalist elites that are putting nation-states and the set of civilizations at risk, internally, as well as in international coexistence. Turchin has formalized the discipline of dynamic Clio to glimpse the scenarios that megatrends configure in human cycles. From his perspective, not only has humanity been prevented from leaving the 20th century as Samuel Huntington claimed; it is likely that the Balkan wars will move to other scenarios. One of the most significant is the United States of America. Turc

The Qanon Right Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero A conservative movement is taking place in North America that escapes the structures of social control that the Republican right represents. It has happened in the past, businessman Ross Perot managed to accumulate broad sympathies from Americans who observed the decomposition of the public apparatus and represents one of the outsiders who advanced the furthest in the political system. Now, Donald Trump, who has been successful in reaching the White House and overcoming the Republican Party, is trying a second part in the history of American civilism. For a long time, American public opinion has seen the difference between Republicans and Democrats as the same as that between Pepsi and Cocacola. The group that supports Donald Trump is diverse but focuses on questioning and rejecting the hegemony of a public apparatus that is limiting freedoms, security and order in North America. Trump is above the Republicans and some of them have decid