Wednesday, May 27, 2020

Miguel Barbosa and the Whitexicans

Miguel Barbosa and the Whitexicans

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
25/05/2020
https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/05/25/Miguel-Barbosa-y-los-Whitexicans




Puebla has been living, for a couple of years, a conflict that, in an increasingly constant way, seems to lead to ungovernability and disorder. Morenovallismo tried to found a neo-avilacamachismo based on an authoritarian consensus that forgot about the changes in consciousness and structure that the country has experienced. With everything and the jacket of political alternation, technocratic caciquismo did not have enough political and economic resources to consolidate a route to national political power. Circumstances forced morenovallismo to defend, with serious violence, the spaces that, eccentrically, it considered to be its forerunner. Fate eliminated the possibility of neo-avilacamachismo and also generated a fragmentation of the old cliques, survivors and widows who, apparently, still remain in radical competition where they increasingly forget about politics and align themselves in purges that aggravate the situation. from Puebla.
The tacit agreement of these cliques is to prevent the construction of a democratic regime in the state. Factions only tend to multiply and show who is the best traitor. Stability, equity, justice, security, growth and development, move away from our environment.
The authoritarian modernization of Morenovallismo left the entity in a critical situation. An unjust centralization, prone to looting, abuse and dispossession, hurt the municipalities and regions that, since then, have been victims of crime, emigration, poverty and misgovernment.
After the rugged electoral process that allowed MORENA to gain control of the executive and legislative powers, far from reducing the aforementioned situation, it has done everything to make things worse. The state government is solely responsible, since its policy of alliances and administrative laziness, generates the scene of a social nightmare.
Miguel Barbosa cannot accuse the Right of a dirty war when he has decided to make them part of his government and agree with them on future candidacies and economic policies. Barbosa is more an ally of Claudio X. González, Ricardo Salinas and the PRIANRD mafia, than a politician aware of the social project with which MORENA became president of the republic. The state executive is increasingly distancing himself from AMLO and incorporating collaborators from the coup trend against the Mexican Republic. His criticisms of the Reaction are ridiculous because he has filled entire Departments of public administration with reactionaries, he is confronted with the ghost of morenovallismo but with some of the surviving factions he aspires to control the state. And still wondering why things go wrong? It would be necessary to ask the governor why he wants to harm the presidency of the republic? Are the falcon cherubs singing to him that he can replace AMLO? Have the whitexicans already told you that he looks like Benito Juárez? Hopefully he will learn from the examples of Mario Marín and Moreno Valle. They are always the same.
Puebla will be one of the entities most affected by COVID-19 in all aspects, of that size will be its contribution to the national crisis. The responsibility does not lie with the Federation, the fault lies with Miguel Barbosa for deviating from the 4T project and confronting the President of the Republic. The state government cannot hide that it has agreed with the "whitexicans", that amalgam of religious fundamentalisms, gender radicalisms, business anarchisms and oligarchic separatists.
The lack of support in Puebla for the Federation's measures is a mistake. It is a vile not to join the enormous work that the economic reconstruction of the state and the country requires, just because the detachment from the 4T allows a consideration that those who "historically" have betrayed Mexico. The political polarization of the last years in the entity has not allowed education, industry, justice, transportation, health and employment to function at minimum levels. In front of COVID-19 Puebla is in an alarming situation. Not even the Puebla immigrants in the US, who are among the most affected groups, have received condescension from the government. While politics here destroys everything, they support the economy without complaint. The state public administration is engaged in black campaigning, self-sabotage, corruption, and survival at any cost.
This emergency requires a lot of work, consensus and collaboration with society. If Mexico sinks, no coup d'etat will save Puebla. Our entity requires governance, public policies, social work, wealth distribution, and health care. Authoritarian decrees are equivalent to demonstrating the voluntary disorganization that prevails in the state government. Miguel Barbosa has fallen into the fascist blindness and seems to anticipate the "Year of Hidalgo" that many opportunists of the bureaucracy yearn to be part of the corrupt oligarchy.
Humanity has a Hobbesian test in front of it that has been treated with a lot of irresponsibility in Puebla, the state public administration is not working and it is dishonest to join separatists and coup leaders. No right-wing government will be able to sustain the country if the republic falls, no government will be left standing if the cartels decide to take control of things in the face of the anarchic famine that has appeared in various places since the narco-war. Mexico is more than united to the economic policy of the United States, Puebla is not outside of Mexico. This is not the time for the whitexicans to form their country "Maria Auxiliadora", the approaching humanitarian crisis in America - the continent - forces republican unity to understand national geopolitics. Hopefully time will not reach us anymore.

Saturday, May 16, 2020

The Empire said NO

The Empire said NO

May 16, 2020

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero





https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2020/05/16/El-Imperio-dijo-NO

A few weeks ago, Roberta Jacobson, former United States ambassador to Mexico, pointed out that former President Felipe Calderón knew the relationship of his Secretary of Public Security, Genaro García Luna, with the Sinaloa cartel and other drug trafficking actors in our country. All in all, Americans cannot be surprised when they denounce actions like Calderón's. The United States is the main drug trafficking and drug-consuming power. In narcotics he found, since the Second World War, a way to finance his war economy. All the presidents who collaborate with North America are, have had to be and will be like Calderón, including López Obrador.

Felipe Calderón, like Gustavo Díaz Ordaz and Carlos Salinas de Gortari, are proof of the serious consequence of fully adhering to North American geopolitics and considering their support for posterity when, as former presidents, they seek to exert their influence again. The United States has interests, not friends. The evidence of the presidential links with drug trafficking is like the indications of the LITEMPO payroll. The right is responsible for the tone of relations between Mexico and the United States. As CIA agents and traitors to the country, they profited from the millions of anti-communist dollars to exterminate opposition and social movements, setting the tone for America to expand its imperialism and bring Mexicans to their knees. There was the dirty war that makes them so proud and that they continue to practice on a daily basis. The message from the United States to the right now is to be patient and to seek more serious agendas than feminism. For López Obrador, the message is that he continue working in the WALL for Central American emigration and that he persist in the regulation of drug trafficking. The sword of Imperialism weighs on AMLO, it makes more and more commitments behind society's back. The president must not forget Francisco I. Madero and Henry Lane Wilson, nor the National Catholic Party.

Felipe Calderón may be the Díaz Ordaz of the 21st century, there is hardly anything that can be said in his favor. Could these characters have opposed North American geopolitical interests? Maybe not. But they were able to do less harm by trying to strengthen the State and its institutions, improving the educational level or reducing poverty. On the contrary, obedience to the directives of the pentagon made Mexico project in the next Iraq, where the Yankee economy makes prospective. To strengthen the Creole oligarchy, the PRI and PAN governments encouraged the anti-communist paranoia of the United States and, now, they continue to affirm that the ghosts of the LC23Sep and Lucio Cabañas materialize in López Obrador to carry out the Red Revolution. Their fear of social movements caused the peasants to leave the homeland and the middle class to become a survivor. Every day the right has less credibility despite the scandalous black campaigns that they are able to sponsor.

The state of violence has allowed capitalism through dispossession that plundered Mexico's natural and human resources. It should not be surprising that the presidents of Mexico, the North American Security Agencies, and drug traffickers have deals and coordinate actions to regulate the flow of drugs that enters the United States. Since Adolfo López Mateos, Mexican presidents have had to be CIA agents. The serious thing is to give credibility in Mexico to the hypotheses of the North American propaganda regarding the links between emigration and drug trafficking, it is a lack of respect for those who leaving the country, still maintain support for their communities and families thanks to the nostalgia economy . If not for these resources, the market in various areas would collapse. Linking remittances with drug trafficking is a fallacious justification for moral Americans. its migrantologists have studied the matter in depth and have found no money laundering or arms purchases in the hundred dollars a week and / or fortnightly that the countrymen send to their people. It is a transfer that impacts in volume, but constitutes an ant money that hardly activates regional economies, contributing to the country's development. The failure of Sedesol's 3x1 public policy, created enthusiastically during the Vicente Fox period, indicates that these remittances are minimal and peculiar in their integration. They are resources that come to account drops to the expeller communities of emigrants and that little reduce the marginalization, poverty, chiefdom and gunfighting. There is the Mixteca Poblana as well as regions of Guanajuato, Jalisco, Zacatecas and Michoacán where remittances serve to survive the day.

The mention of both situations would not have much relation if there were not a third opinion, which has been repeated for some years: that criminal groups “inject” the Mexican economy through drug trafficking through alternative routes to banks, such as political parties, construction companies, film studios, sports, music events, etc., so that it cannot be traced whether the origin of said economic resources is legal or not. In parallel, just as the formal and informal economies have been affected by the Covid-19 pandemic, activities related to the production and transfer of narcotic drugs, arms smuggling and money laundering, have experienced liberalization due to the approach on health issues. Which means that the demand for drugs in the United States is infinite and there is no way to regulate the supply. But that is the responsibility of the United States and the more than one hundred million addicts in its territory.

Mexico must think of models such as Costa Rica, Panama, Puerto Rico or Peru to approach US capitalism in a new way, since maintaining itself as a narco-state constitutes a dangerous choice that gives way to wild forms of US interventionism. As long as the primary sector, industry and public service are not developed properly, the economy of informality and crime will be the daily characteristics.

The anti-communist rage of the Mexican right and its absurd coup proposals must be canceled. The US support for AMLO implies that our country needs stability and to continue operating in conditions that do not irritate the Empire. In these times, for the United States, the Mexican right is more dangerous than the drug traffickers. Catholic nationalists are more rabid than the Taliban. The Mexican right needs to synchronize itself with the important changes brought about by the death of neoliberalism, the times of health governance and technological innovation. It is up to them to support López Obrador, their legitimate and legal president.

All three comments highlight Mexico's dependence on North America. While the United States will not come to solve Mexico's problems, it should consider whether keeping Mexico and Central America as its drug suppliers is productive in any sense. The United States and Mexico must think of a different form of economic, social, and political integration.