North America, the possibilities of integration

North America, the possibilities of integration

Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

We are faced with an extraordinary geopolitical scenario. The way the events in Afghanistan have been unfolding leave the waters rough and complicated. Reflection on the events in Afghanistan shows us the importance that US imperialism still has. The apparent abandonment of this regional pivot constitutes a risk for what Brzezinski called the Eurasian Balkans. Leaving the zone implies unbalancing the fragile balance and observing if other regional powers are capable of fixing it or initiating new conflicts that demand the presence of the United States.

Meanwhile, the regional concentration on the American continent of American power is a fundamental consequence. Brzezinski appears to be giving way to Huntington. The Afghan question is not minor, taking into account that the Taliban are an American creation. In other words, while it is true that they are withdrawing from military control in that region, both the government that was abandoned and the one that the Taliban seek to affirm have ties with the United States. There is no way to inhibit it.

The abandonment of Afghanistan is a sample of what can happen in the world. The pivot zones that have just been released now offer the possibility - and the risk - for the entire world to take matters into their own hands.

There is an anti-American obsession in various parts of the world and every situation like Afghanistan is evidence of what autonomy can cost, the return of religious fundamentalisms.

The fact that the United States -apparently- withdraws from this Eurasian geographical triangle implies a greater presence in the American continent. Something that can be positive or negative depending on the situation that each Latin American country can produce.

Increasing integration is the obvious consequence of this process, but as each nation in our latitude is capable of transforming its socioeconomic structure, the direct consequence may be colonialism, interventionism, or level integration.

In the Mexican case, the abandonment of Afghanistan means greater interventionism by the United States. Situation that also implies a strong responsibility. It is probably one of the last junctures that history offers for a formal integration. Mexico has nowhere to turn to form a geopolitical bloc and the situation with North America is natural.

There is a possibility that the situation in Mexico can change, but it requires a lot of cooperation from the political class.

The world right confronts each other, on the one hand, those who yearn to maintain the hegemony of the West and, on the other, those who think that this is over and victorious capitalism must take care not only of its victims but also of possibility and externalities so that mankind can survive.

While the Mexican political system is exhausted in a sterile and ridiculous competition, the speed of the changes that are shaping the post-covid world is lost sight of.

Mexico has the task of designing a giant economic strategy that is capable of measuring the demands and needs that American society now presents.

The importance of the United States cannot be evaded from the Mexican political agenda, it implies a greater possibility of jobs, emigration, exchange, trade, national security.

Organized crime groups will be the first to be affected by the US national concentration. The remnants of the peasant rebellion are concentrated in drug trafficking and organized crime, the presence of the United States and the awareness of its national security can contribute to the control of these groups. But the country must change its socioeconomic structure to take advantage of the greater concentration that the United States links to have regionally.

During the neoliberal era, the situation in Mexico was transformed - for better or for worse. It is no longer a rural country in the process of transition to an urban country. In one way or another, Mexico has more cities, highways, and industrial spaces that have changed the economy. Most of the Mexican peasants emigrated to North America to survive, and continue to do so, including people from small towns or those displaced by drug violence. Most of the Mexican farmers live in North American cities and, each time, they have had to dedicate themselves to activities that have almost nothing to do with agriculture. They are, perhaps, the main representatives of an accelerated schizophrenic modernity that the natives of what was called Latin America have lived since the 15th century.

How can Mexico contribute to pentagonism? The best contribution is to evade military intervention and take advantage of economic lines: trade, migration, national security and even agro-industrial reconversion

Popular Consultation and Transitional Justice

Popular Consultation and Transitional Justice Diego Martin Velázquez Caballero

Although the results of the survey regarding the trial of former Mexican presidents did not have the necessary results for the binding establishment that Morena's supporters - and some victims of authoritarian periods - considered, it is important to reflect on the demand for justice and memory of the past that a part of society claims. At the end of the last century, the historical trial was considered as a point of debate in the theory of transitions to democracy, legally it was called "Transitional Justice" to the legal processes necessary to judge the representatives of the authoritarian regime and jump to the period necessary for democratic consolidation. This process did not imply summary trials but rather the legal conscience, even in the absence, of the authoritarian perpetrators. The promoters of the agreed transition generated a current of opinion different from the historical judgment that indicated the need for oblivion. For example, Fernando Gutiérrez Barrios, Ignacio Morales Lechuga and Carlos Castillo Peraza; They believed that it was necessary to forgive and forget, to make end-of-term laws and amnesty, as happened in the cases of Spain and Chile, as well as in some regions of Eastern Europe. Even in aspects such as the "Dirty War" there was an emphasis on healthy forgetfulness. The Vicente Fox presidency did not apply any sanction against the authoritarian regime, the legal commissions to track down perpetrators and disappeared were obsolete. For some, this situation was necessary to generate governability and for the first alternation presidency to have no setbacks. Some of the data that had been provided by Francisco Barrios were simply not taken into account. The left and right were complicit in forgetfulness, their supine demands for historical reparation were overcome by the violence unleashed in subsequent governments. The war against drug trafficking involved a struggle whose human cost has not had time to consider. The results of the survey show that there will be no transitional justice for Mexico, AMLO's disinterest as well as the commitments to the dirty war that there are in certain 4Q collaborators, are a sign that only history can pay attention to this issue, although Some seem like a memorandum of rancor, it is still the only sign of the responsibility that various actors of the political class have with authoritarianism and corruption in Mexico. Transitional justice makes it possible to delimit human actions, recognize mistakes and amend acts. It is Vivianne Forrester's criticism of Hanna Arendt when she points out that authoritarianisms do not have an artificial evil. The impossibility of historical or transitional justice and its relationship with US imperialism and the Catholic Church have not been evaluated. The drug trafficking-cia-anticomunismo-dfs square may affect the interests of imperialist governance and the concessions that North America has made to the Mexican political class. The geopolitics of the cold war is responsible for the many authoritarian acts that still have resonance and explain much of the socioeconomic structure of Mexico. AMLO, like Vicente Fox, can do little about the past, there are many issues that US interventionism hinders. Thomas Jefferson noted: "I truly tremble for my country when I think that God exists." North American messianism has no fear of God or anything. Manifest destiny is capable of transforming murderers into heroes just because, yes, it is the reward for building capitalism. Memory or Forgetfulness? That is the dilemma. Who has the right to remember? Who has the right to justice? More than legal questions, they seem eschatological questions. Nicaragua and Cuba have demonstrated in international tribunals the barbaric acts that the United States has committed. Who can punish the Empire? The results of the popular poll and the disinterest -political and social- indicate the prevalence of corruption and impunity that anti-communism made customary. The final point laws are a sample of containing the transformation of law and justice, making stone what by nature has to be dynamic and transformative. The past will still be there, it can no longer be hidden, the question is to assimilate and learn from it. Resolve trauma as in psychological therapy. Denying it implies lying and upsetting the future of society, repeating problems and evil. The link in the history of corruption, abuse and impunity with the learning of democratic political culture is more than important.