Should the United States invade Mexico? (Aggregate)

Should the United States invade México? (Aggregate)

Diego Martin Velazquez Caballero

The controversy in the media generated by the statements of former President Donald Trump regarding the harsh treatment in diplomatic relations between his government and our country, as well as the possibilities to invade Mexico that constitute the center of his renewed political campaign, is an example of the ignorance and the inability to turn around to see the painful issue of Mexican emigration to the United States. It weighs a lot on Mexico to see inside itself. We don't know each other and the different social groups try to impose their vision of the country in a radical and violent way, but never honestly.

Mexico does not have a country project, we are a permanent dialectic of castes where anyone takes advantage of the spirits in dispute to add fuel to the fire. The serious thing is that the fire is already burning the United States and Donald Trump is not kidding when he talks about imitating Vladimir Putin to bring order to a Narco-state that only produces violence and emigration. North America is responsible for the state of things, it never understood the consequences of sending weapons and money to social groups that have so much resentment and hatred.

The ignorance regarding the number of Mexicans who have emigrated and reside in the United States causes shame. Officials and communicators, politicians and academics. It is rare that no one makes a mistake when accounting for remittances.

The conundrum in the migratory relationship between Mexico and the United States has caused notable American intellectuals such as Samuel Huntington, George Friedman and Joel Garreau -to mention the most sensible ones- to define that Hispanity is the greatest challenge of Anglo-Saxon culture, and of Mexico.

The post-covid world poses a dispute between globalists and nationalists that is limited to the global powers. The United States will have to focus on Latin America to maintain its status and, therefore, its role lies in correcting the failed states and the economic surrealism that so many emigrants have arranged around it. A few weeks ago, the debate regarding the electricity reform divided legislators between pro-Hispanists and nationalists. What is the reason for continuing to sneak in corrupt Spanish companies if Mexico must rethink its relationship with the United States? If Mexico receives so many millions of dollars in remittances and more than 90% of its economy depends on North America, why is more than half of the population poor and almost a million people -annually- try to emigrate to the United States? Ramón Eduardo Ruíz would say that the Spanish colonial social structure is responsible. And he is not wrong.

Hispanic Catholic casticism is the slope through which the fraternal hatred of Mexico flows, it remains undeterred since Hernán Cortés and Malinche. Lies, slavery, patrimonialism, castes and caciques. Right of blood that forges a multinational state, but not a nation. The caste system is what determines aporophobia, racism, classism, intolerance. If weapons, dollars and drugs are added to this, the scenario is set, where is national unity?

America has used a similar strategy in the conquest of the West, to make firm its expansionism it sent the Army after the pioneers and cowboys; and he did it several times until the only monopoly of violence was the State. And she will do it again as many times as it is. It is what is lost sight of when one does not want to understand that Mexico is a colony of the United States and not of Spain. And that this condition tends to increase as the post-covid world approaches.

The fire of the failed state that is burning the south of the United States, the one that the neoliberal Hispanic Catholic guerócrats do not want to see and for which they were responsible, is Donald Trump's excuse to be the North American Vladmir Putin, the Batman of Gotham City.

Mexico has the challenge of abandoning Hispanic values ​​-Catholicism, caciquismo, latifundismo, casticismo, etc.,- and recognizing the geopolitical order from which it cannot escape. Characters like Donald Trump will be more and more common, and pretending -everywhere- regarding the true relationship between Mexico and the United States only aggravates things. A liberal superpower is not going to allow its neighbor's illiberalism to extinguish it. Neither Spain nor the Vatican will provide support to the Mexican Ukraine.

Leave it alone!; sons of bitches!

 Leave it alone!; sons of bitches!

Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero 

Holy Week for Christianity is a time of reflection regarding the suffering that the Historical Christ lived for the salvation of humanity. I remember with nostalgia and pain the marches of my community when the Passion of Jesus was plastically represented. On one occasion -observing the torture that the Roman soldiers applied to the Nazarene in the artistic experience- a middle-aged companion shouted angrily: Leave him alone! Sons of Chingada! The expression shook the feelings of the people who accompanied the procession. Between laughter and tears, the cry of the screamer was justified and also the dilemma that the representation had to be violent to convey the human model of the Redeemer. In some theatrical performances, the necessary realism that seeks to print the experience for the audience requires that whoever represents Jesus of Nazareth receive an average of 400 lashes in a walk of approximately 4 kilometers (a madriza worthy of the Holy Christ! ). For this reason, the people who represent the procession of the cross ignore the requests for commiseration that some spectators make in an emotional way. Thus, the Romans in the narrative did not stop and took whoever imitated the character from Bethlehem to Calvary; with the usual beating that -according to the script- distinguishes the evangelical narration.

In many places in Mexico and Latin America, even other latitudes; the evangelizing pedagogy of Holy Week is violent and terrifying. Joan Manuel Serrat questions her in the song that speaks of the Christ of the Gypsies, a friend who shares the food and the party, who drinks wine and dances, who cries for the daily suffering of the people. Neither does Chabela Vargas sing to the character that the Romans punish to death, one of her famous songs pays tribute to the Christ of Palacaguina, the guerrilla who defends himself from the Romans, who frees the poor and takes the merchants out of the temple, reviewing the parable of the Needle and the Camel, also expressed in León Felipe when he said that Christ is the Man, any Man. The Historical Christ is a Revolutionary Man.

The hermeneutics of Holy Week is applicable to various Latin American political systems. Hugo Chávez pointed out, for example, that the oligarchy had the Crucified Christ as a sign of punishment for the dissident principles of the Hispanic Catholic capitalist social order. More than the message of sacrifice for the sins of humanity, the Man on the Cross represents the memory of the imperialist penalty for those who decide to confront them. Hence the gypsy need to lower Jesus del Madero, but not the dead one but the living one, the one who draws the pedagogy of the parables to teach the people to defend themselves, the one who offers a lot of affection and counts for everyone. The Jew who runs everywhere and resembles Friederich Nietzsche's superman Zarathustra, who thinks of transcendental death, but thinks first of the here and now, of building a just social order in earthly life under the realistic awareness of pain, war and fighting.

The tragic fate of the Messiah in Holy Week is the symbolic reference of some nationalist leaders in Latin America. The Church of Peter accepts the sacrifice of Jesus to create an oligarchic imperial order. The axiom has been fulfilled in the six-year history of the Mexican political system: Cardenismo is the best example. General Lázaro Cárdenas experienced a viacrucis during most of his government, the attacks went beyond propaganda and political baseness to become terrorism. And despite the fact that he defended himself and the people from him as the Christ of Palacaguina, he faced the death of the six-year period and the praxis of power that allowed him to modernize the underprivileged classes. The posterity of the federal public administration would never again have a Missionary General (Enrique Krauze) who received, and also granted, a disproportionate number of lashes. Mexico never had another Tata Lázaro, although it continues to pray for his return.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador was conceived, politically, as Messiah. His government has also been a very tough viacrucis. The scourges of the press, the oligarchy and North American imperialism are overwhelming. The indolence and indifference of pro-Yankee Hispanic neoliberal Mexico has no qualification, they want to take the country to war and, given the support of the narco-empire, they are preparing to cross the Rubicon like Roman Caesar: they are Romans, do not try to change them.

Should the Tropical Messiah fulfill the tragic destiny of the mortal God at the end of the six-year term? Although the distance from cardenismo is wide, lopezobradorismo has made superhuman efforts to carry out social equality, gender equity, the rescue of poverty and the recomposition of the State. The actions were more than necessary to rebuild a country that was in a situation of Failed or Supplanted State (Samuel Schmidt), but much is needed to organize the great national problems. The Mexican nomenklatura has sabotaged every modernization project in the country, they are responsible for enforcing the unwritten rules of the political system; above all, the cancellation of the transexennial continuity, the death of the presidential God at the end of his term. The symbolic "non-reelection" of contemporary Mexico has prevented transexennial projects -sometimes necessary-, from defining a modernity for Mexico, a country project different from the moderate colonialism in which the United States locks us up.

The nomenklatura has betrayed each president, even killed him so that the new Messiah can live. However, Mexico needs a transexennial modernizing project that promotes the historical ruptures and social adjustments necessary to balance the political, economic and social spheres. The nomenklatura only wants to remain an employee of the American Caesar.

AMLO and Morena face their Holy Friday in the second half of the presidential term, the Executive knows that it must accelerate its macroprojects and legislative policies if it intends to approach Cardenismo. AMLO has popular support, they approve and defend him, but, although they strongly ask the Romans to stop whipping and torturing the Holy Christ; the Romans do not listen, the representation has to continue and, at the end of the six-year term, the Messiah must die.

General Lázaro Cárdenas del Río accepted the tragic destiny to found a Church, the largest branch of the Revolutionary Family, but which is now distinguished by being a religion without believers and much less priests. Will lopezobradorism also accept metaphysical transcendence to create a Church without believers? Will the Tropical Messiah be crucified forever? In the end, the town always saves Barrabás. Poor towns, saturated with gunmen, chieftaincy, mafia and oligarchy, Sicilianized underemployed communities that only survive because of the slavery of the North American narco-empire. How are they going to defend their Messiah if they don't have weapons or the capacity for militant organization? The imaginary citizenship that Fernando Escalante points out is not a product of populism but of the patrimonialism that the nomenklatura has historically developed,

Perhaps the Tropical Messiah is not the Messiah of Nazareth, it probably has more resemblance to the Messiah of the Desert who did not enter the promised land. López Obrador will sow the strain of a nationalist project that is current and necessary in the future post-Covid world. The unwritten rules of the Mexican political system are ineluctable, they have been fulfilled at the cost of everything. Strong presidents like Lázaro Cárdenas, Carlos Salinas and Luis Echeverría; they could not control the cacique corporatism of Mexico.

Transexennial continuity depends on the Narco-empire, integration with the United States of America must be subject to the argument of the disease called "Failed State", if Mexico falls, so does the United States. The nomenklatura only knows how to misgovern and develop the anomic tendencies of social poverty that its hegemony allows. The sociological pathologies of Sicilianized societies have already spread to North America. The Mexican invasion, which will be the campaign argument in the Republican Party, is no longer planned in Mexican territory but in the south of the United States. The less support for the López Obrador government, the more social pathologies will contaminate the American social order. Mexico is not, nor will it be, the Japan south of the Rio Grande, but it is already a territory under the control of various armed groups that constitute a flank for US national security. The United States has to join the Leave it! Sons of the fuck!

Mexico is an eternal Holy Week