Alliances in 2018. Dictatorial Unity or Democratic Union?

Alliances in 2018. Dictatorial Unity or Democratic Union?
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2017/08/24/Alianzas-en-2018-%C2%BFUnidad-Autoritaria-o-Uni%C3%B3n-Democr%C3%A1tica

The main obstacles to democratic consolidation in Mexico lie in a traditional political culture and, above all, in the representatives of the post-revolutionary regime. Together, this prolongs the establishment of a National Agreement that culminates the transition and delimits the future of the country. If the Mexican transition to democracy does not end with a National Agreement that defines the country's political-economic-social future, there will be a long and gradual semidemocratization that will not respond with the necessary emergency to national demands; But which can lead us to extreme extremes of violence and danger.

No one can deny certain progress in the country. There are now more instruments to support the reasons and the claims. There is already a strong, vigorous and pluralistic civil society with its own life and economic and political aspirations whose satisfaction is urgent. But there is also a large part of the society that is defenseless, which is impoverished and lacking any civic-democrat culture.

Mexican democracy faces severe risks. The dilemma between governance and participation is not resolved in a positive way. In recent years it has been evident, at the state and federal level, the way in which governments end up building a model of control that becomes antidemocratic. Perhaps partisan partisan participation has been exhausted. It is now necessary to link governments of different levels and ideologies because the social situation has become seriously complicated. The political system must reconstitute the welfare state and address the poverty that has multiplied its pathologies.

Citizenship has been distorted in terms of the market's advance in politics. The public, ethical and moral virtues diminish in the face of a scenario of famine, confrontation and insecurity. International pressure also increases pressure on the political system. Politics has to be rethought.

Donald Trump's rejection of Mexico has been significant because it delimits the image of Mexican democratization. Trump has been a good censor of government policies and the few changes that the country has had despite the alternations. The situation between Mexico and the United States should reorient the lives of parties, government and citizens. It is a great challenge the set of critiques for our country and it is urgent to change not only the image, but the reality of things because they are known to be true.

Mexico's geographical conditions do allow the United States to do something about narcoterrorism and corruption that prevail in the context. It has happened before and it will happen even if we do not like it. Democracies treat other democracies peacefully, and they have the right to defend themselves when they are affected. During the last thirty years, neoliberalism opted for an economic and political modernization that allowed the integration with the United States. That is what has failed: the Mexican neoliberal project. In fact, the situation has been serious since the level reached by the administrations after the alternation of 2000 is that of Failed State, one of the most dangerous protagonists of globalization. It was not possible to dismantle the old system of Hegemonic Party, in fact the PRI DNA has extended to all other political institutes and for that reason the change of political culture has been so serious. In the electoral, partisan, governmental, union, school, journalistic, etc., things seem to involute. The new regime assumed the worst crisis of political discredit and economic disaster, the immense presidential power has not had the necessary capacity to face the seriousness of the problem. Socially, economically and politically, the democratic regime rules with cynicism and failure. Delaying further democratic consolidation can lead to an overload of demands that generate ungovernability, give continuity to the old regime or facilitate a violent solution.

One of the most serious diplomatic moments is lived in the country; Even though Mexico has become accustomed to acts of imperialism. It is important to say that, precisely in the years that characterized Mexican neoliberalism, we opted for a greater integration with North America, the project initiated with Carlos Salinas de Gortari was condensed into an accelerated modernization that sought to form a homogeneous North America. The result has been failure. Samuel Huntington is one of the theorists who has pointed out the conflict with modernity on the part of Mexico. From here we have to watch the reaction of Donald Trump and his government to our country. The situation goes beyond reactionary and xenophobia, implying that the neoliberal technocratic modernizing policies of recent years have been a failure. Society must also evaluate it and try to answer how, then, it wants to relate to the West and modernity.

The Mexican transition followed the path of electoral reforms. Strictly speaking, procedural democracy implies that political actors can compete, win and exit by power under that method. However, the fact that the PRI has not disappeared also implies the survival of the old regime as well as its uses and customs that, in fact, have been transmitted to the other institutes. Probably the Mexican transition is in the path of failed transitions or imperfect democracies. The important thing is to consider the mechanisms to eliminate the strategies of the old regime.

The main obstacle to Mexican democratic consolidation lies in the representatives and survivors of the postrevolutionary regime who, in the face of uncertainty about what might happen to them, use all the means at their disposal (which are many and very powerful) to stop all political change Which insinuates harm to them.

MORENA, the political project that accumulates the main electoral trends, has the responsibility to lead a National Agreement to delimit the political-economic-social future of the country. Manuel Camacho Solis always promoted a democratic center that would show the lesson of Spain and Chile: To achieve a serious and consolidated progress in the economy and politics. Pacing democracy, generating wealth for all and economic justice. A pact of this kind in Mexico is no longer possible. The PRIANRD, in its many expressions, has distorted the idea to develop patrimonialist, cynical and authoritarian politics of always. Camacho Solís himself distorted the falsehood of the Pact for Mexico that promoted the current administration.

The challenge of MORENA is to build a proposal to legitimize itself before Mexican society and the international world. Only through the pact with developed citizens and democracies can the representatives of the old regime be pressured to give up authoritarianism.

The mechanisms to be implemented are urgent if we want to safeguard national sovereignty and democracy. One of the embers for political consolidation is civil society. To rescue the citizen, to include it in the institutions and the decisions of government, can mean the resumption of the country. And, in turn, make other societies treat us as a democracy. Democracy works if citizens want. Hence social organization and pressure become significant. It is not that institutions do not work, or that the party system has more common places than proposals, but the great transformer is the common individual. It should involve society in decision making, make people see that their opinion on governance issues is important, that can really make decisions.

MORENA also needs the international shelter of some democratic institutions and developed countries. The political action of Solidarity in Poland can be a route to follow. The construction of the border wall can even be accepted, as long as the United States intends to destroy and treat as terrorists the corrupt politicians, criminal groups and consortiums that the modernist conservative technocracy has fomented in Mexico.

It is urgent the Unity, the Union, without fissures or divisions, to give way to a country that, without breaking with its history, has the talent necessary to modernize to the rhythm of the times, to lay the solid, solid, consistent bases that Allow to understand and solve the problems of a citizenship that raises unresolved demands and wishes to cancel the inequalities and inequities that are still lacerating.

2018. A Turncoat Election. Neoliberal PRI VS Nationalist PRI?

2018. A Turncoat Election. Neoliberal PRI VS Nationalist PRI?
http://quoruminformativo.com.mx/index.php/2017/08/24/una-sucesion-transfuga/

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero

A few weeks ago, during the research seminar celebrated by the IIHS of the Universidad Veracruzana, a unique debate was presented, analyzing the consequences that political transference has had on Mexican democratization. The hypothesis with respect to the current regime where PRI predominates of all the political parties was enriched by the question of the change in the cliques and factions of the Mexican political system. The PRI colonization of the Mexican political parties is undoubted, as the thesis of illustrious Daniel Cosío Villegas prayed: only the PRI wins the PRI. And behold, the priista smurf and yellow pricommunist anvils have learned the lesson. The merit of the PAN, PRD, PVEM, MORENA, etc., is to postulate members of PRI. However, in the evolution of transitory times it is also necessary to observe the differences, continuities and discontinuities that the PRI has had.
In 1980 an important schism occurred within the Revolutionary Family between politicians and technocrats. The bloodletting of priistas evidenced the resistance to that the politics doubled before the liberal economist. The PRI became technocratic and reached more and more blue-white colors; Althougt it is true, one of the first postrevolutionary technocrats was Manuel Gómez Morín, inspired by primorriverismo, the Panistas in general little dominated the technique. PRI dissidents approached social political parties that coincided with their populist arts. The internal PRI conflict generated a mobility where politicians lost space in front of the liberal specialists of the economy; However, they were all going to integrate with the former opposition parties.
However, the PRI was not extinguished between the Mexican right and left. On the contrary, it has continued to be a source of political members for institutes representative of the ideological extremes in the country. A fellow researcher commented: the opposition has always been second and backpacker of the PRI, in all this time they have not been encouraged to form professional cadres nor to have own projects for the country. The populist journalist Arturo Luna Silva has characterized the antagonistic parties with a correct fable of Aesop: they constitute a frog opposition.
The PRI political culture survived the transition from hegemony to opposition and, even though its return to the presidency of the republic did not reinstate its political preeminence, it remains the main institute that has the electoral, corporatist and cacique structure to determine support Of who occupies the first magistrature of the country in 2018.
This division of political class has marked the alternations and rhythm of the Mexican political transition since 1988. The struggle between the technocracy and the politicians has served for the opposition and the factual powers to survive in the factional conflict. It has also been the main burden for democracy not to consolidate in the country. The battle between dinosaurs and yuppies has allowed that the partitocracia kidnap the order of the Mexican society. Technicians and rudos have made similar use of corporatist and delinquential informality to protect their interests to the detriment of the nation and society.
By 2018, so far, the presidential project of MORENA seems to be reaching an uncontainable point of support. The cliques and factions that make up the nationalist-populist-political-social project are consolidating a path towards electoral victory that will annul the country's technocratic control. The exhaustion of the technocratic-conservative-neoliberal-rightist group that José Cordoba Montoya inaugurated after the death of Luis Donaldo Colosio, has not found the ideal character that as Ernesto Zedillo, Vicente Fox, Felipe Calderón and Enrique Peña, manage to combine the interests of His various groups to remain in the presidency of the republic. Now the transfer will probably benefit Andrés Manuel López Obrador.
Will it happen with MORENA the same as with the PAN? National Action, now become the Priista Smurf for the full and consented invasion of the Atlacomulco Group, constitutes a reference on the evolution of the Mexican political class. According to the logic that Victor Reynoso uses to explain the PAN institutional model, the trajectory of mergers and ruptures constitutes the motor of the unstable dynamic equilibrium that the PAN preserves as it constitutes the crucible of Mexican rights. Each has had its time and place, history can tell who was up to the circumstances and was consistent with their beliefs. According to Maria Teresa Gómez Mont y Urueta, neoliberalism allowed a rapprochement between the PRI and PAN right; These elections are likely to be the defining moment for these New Right elites to finish unifying. Rafael Moreno Valle became the protagonist that identifies the new PAN politician. Maybe, characters like him imagined Gomez Morin from the beginning. Perhaps Entrepreneurs and the Catholic Church have been receptive to this type of behavior because they only know how to educate Mirreyes and send their "young ladies" to the hunt of distinguished priists, they lack adequate leaders and institutions to prepare their members. With Moreno Valle probably get what with Juan Andrew Almazan and Ezequiel Padilla could not. The 2018 will be a reissue of 1988 and 2006. The nationalist and neoliberal projects will be confronted once again.
The nationalist-populist project of MORENA must guard against the transference to avoid a history similar to that of National Action. The triumphs of conservative alternative nationalisms set the tone for a response to the radical changes humanity is experiencing. What should groups and society do that are disposable from the neoliberal perspective? Of course, to merge, organize against destruction. The middle class is constantly afraid of the nationalist project that is accused of socializing and authoritarian; However, the middle class and some subjects of the other social extremes, are disillusioned with this artilugo given the situation of vulnerability that begins to surround us on all sides. If one is guilty of extreme poverty, serious delinquency, ecological damage, general drug addiction, loss of values ​​and social order, etc., its name is neoliberalism. Mexico is a daily carnage thanks to the functionality between organized crime, technocrats and neoliberal globalization. Veracruz, a unique example of the country, is a neoliberal tragicomedy of what has been lived in Mexico for more than three decades. It is indispensable a historical rupture with priism and the way in which alternative nationalisms are mixing conservatism, patriotism, socialism, communism, ecologism and feminism, etc., is a singular option to stop turning its back on the history of Mexico. Serve the reader, the present table of current political trends from the perspective of Macario Schettino (2004)