Wednesday, September 18, 2019

Fractured Populism



Fractured Populism

By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero






The concession to the Mexican extreme right to be in charge of the Board of Directors in the Legislative Power, is one of the facts that adds to the serious contradictions that 4T has at national, state and local level. Even when it is affirmed that we are facing the construction of a new regime, the truth is that it is about renewing the old government of the institutionalized revolution. The change without breaking Manuel Camacho Solís.

The party system in Mexico was shattered by transfuguism, neoliberal corruption and ungovernability. Most of the political institutes were left speechless and with a dormant dormant force in the face of the overwhelming magnitude of the electoral trend that National Regeneration obtained. Despite the millions of votes that PAN and PRI achieved, said electorate has not been mobilized or activated by the antílopez.

Morena is not in better conditions, more than a perredización, the political institute is a victim of the styles and invoices that the different alliances implied. Hence, when factionalism is demonstrated because pure radicals or morenists demand quotas of power and coherence of government style, the charismatic leader imposes his verdicts to maintain a balance that is increasingly unstable.

Andrés Manuel has declared that he will renounce Morena if she is perverted, that is, like Benito Mussolini, renounce Fascism and choose Italy if circumstances demand it. Therefore, Mussolini is considered a failed fascism, a frustrated leader; despite the authoritarianism of the Duce, his project was an operetta because it was not structured or organized despite the strength and legitimacy it had achieved. This fault is used as a subterfuge of rights to distinguish between fascism and Nazism, although, in general, conservative rights lack real progressive projects and platforms.

To relieve Mexican liberals and anti-communists, this fact demonstrates that 4T is not meant to be a Bolivarian or Castro revolution. The disenchantment of a revolutionary, progressive and liberal left is already becoming more and more evident. Andrés Manuel is unlikely to end up as Benito Mussolini; But, it is certain that, if there is no project or perspective, José López Portillo's tears become plausible, as well as the economic and social disaster that no nationalist discourse alleviates.

Andrés Manuel intends to institutionalize the National Regeneration Movement as Manuel Ávila Camacho institutionalized the government of the Mexican revolution, giving rise to divergent political factions that assimilate the moderation and pragmatism that the Hegemonic Party meant. Just as AMLO intervened so that the extreme right had an important lecture to contradict and even subvert the 4T nation project, Manuel Ávila Camacho admitted sinarquistas and cristeros in the PRI, a party that was even infiltrated by the Tecos and Yunques before bread. Thus, the PRI became the Sun Party with its right hand and its sinister which alternated according to a high-political pact with North America and the Holy See.

It is not surprising that Morena as before the PAN and, much earlier, the PRI; submitted to the decisions of the Executive. The perfect square binomial Official Party-Government, as well as the caciquismo, is immeasurable in our political culture. A nationalist government is prohibited by imperialist hegemony, but society is hardly going to support the permanence of the informal narcocorporativist regime led by poor pathologists and pseudoneoliberals.

If 4Q is heading towards a failed populism, it will be necessary to understand catpardism as a permanent and disenchanting variable of the failed Mexican democracy. The extreme right has made significant progress despite being "morally defeated," as has happened with factions and groups antagonistic to the MORENA project. The technocratic circles consider that if AMLO is recycling, it implies that it has awakened to the tasks of governance. The progressive groups begin to notice, instead, that AMLO, like Mussolini and José López Portillo, is going to spread many of the proposals and policies that are indispensable, will not risk taking the necessary steps and measures to defend the sovereignty of Mexico .

The arrival of the extreme right to the spaces of Morena, are not pacts of governance but dangerous contubernios of which few figures left clean. For some, politics is that, getting your hands dirty for others. Is it worth it for the historical significance of 4Q? In the federal, state and municipal administration, the concessions made to Catholic nationalism are the constant. Chambismo think some, infiltration say others; leadership, they think. AMLO cannot do what Calles and Cárdenas in three years and, to these, the US and the Holy See ended up canceling them.

Revolutionary conservatism is an illusion, the journey of a regime transformation implies breaking with the inertia of the Mexican political system.

Little by little, we begin to feel that failed democracy is the process of political modernization in our country. If the President's appendix is ​​not Morena, anyone else can serve, RSP, Servant of the Nation, Green Party or even Future 21.

Canovism is the art of governing Mexico. But the ghost of José López Portillo, the Mexican Quetzalcoatl, is increasingly present. It should not be forgotten that the right and the banking system, like the pillos of the story about the naked King, were the ones who drove one of the most educated presidents in the country crazy. To ignore the Sirens, resist the oligarchies and raise real scenarios against the United States, are essential elements to break the authoritarian democracy of our society.

A failed democracy lacks governability and the model of failed populism although it reassures the Holy Mexican Civil Society and the liberal proyanquis, every day generates a disorder that someone must pay: the development of Mexico, the middle class and the South of the United States .

We'll see where the Mexican Mussolini ends.




Thursday, September 05, 2019

4T. The Mexican left facing the interests of US imperialism

4T. The Mexican left facing the interests of US imperialism
September 3, 2019
Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero







https://www.semanarioelreto.com/single-post/2019/09/03/4T-La-izquierda-mexicana-frente-a-los-intereses-del-imperialismo-norteamericano

The external variable that most influences the Mexican political system is called the United States. Properly dimensioning its importance is something that is only known, but little is implemented in academic analyzes and government practices. Beyond considering whether the left that came to the government is really, competent or illusory left; evangelical, catholic or pricomunista guadalupana (Schmidt); retrograde or progressive; moderate or populist; etc., it is increasingly urgent to take Mexico's situation realistically in relation to the United States.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador came to power with the support of 30 million voters and came from the Anglo-Saxon kingdom. The task of neoliberalism exceeded the exploitation of resources and the results were not optimal, the design of the looting for Mexico generated collateral effects that complicate governance in both nations. North America opted for a new backyard controller.

The arrival of Donald Trump finally forced American society and its government to have to observe Mexico. Not in the best way, but now; It is undeniable that we have the attention of the United States. It is important to remember that during the presidency of Barack Obama, the relationship between the two countries came to total neglect. Republicans always make decisions that significantly affect our nation.

The pendulum has moved to newdealism and, although Salinism was an exceptional time in Mexican-American relations - perhaps of less importance than when the presidents were agents of the CIA; The neoliberal era was distinguished by contradictions in excellent modern conservative minorities. The neoliberals ended up being mirreyes, playing the gorrón in a context where the geographical condition demands governance in Mexico. The great lack of the national technocratic elite was ethics, a finding that Gabriel Zaid discovered in time and the Prianist right concealed to survive.

Vicente Fox overreacted the letters offered by George Bush and Calderón chose to accelerate the militarization of public security, believing that by supporting the war economy, American benevolence would be won. The result was the opposite because National Action also ended up involved in organized crime.

As in salinato, the United States knows that Mexico requires a transexenal project of at least twenty years. The task of remedying, deconstructing and institutionalizing the country implies a long duration. The problem is not nationalist dinosaurs but to avoid government subordination to a Catholic Hispanic Catholic oligarchy who admires Pinochet but ends up being Somoza or Noriega.

The neoliberal model imposed on Chile required enormous extension and violence to avoid socialism and build one of the most stable countries in South America. In Mexico, the dimension and violence of neoliberalism far exceeded the measures of pinochetism; but, the country got worse than a dictatorship of the proletariat.

What neighbor does the United States want? A stable nation or a Narco-state that increasingly infects its ungovernability. Monetarism, structuralism, developmentalism, neoliberalism, narcoeconomics and neoextractivism have been the slogans that Washington has imposed on Mexican governments. The recent gas agreement shows that tropical neoliberalism continues. The right celebrated the event as the subordination of AMLO to the Private Initiative, only missing in the meeting with the president, Marcial Maciel, Norberto Rivera and Onésimo Cepeda. What difference does the continuity of the looting directed from Galicia and the Vatican imply?

As long as inequality and corruption are not contained, crime and informality will be the rules of survival in Mexico. The magnitude of the problem is such that even López Obrador talks about leaving MORENA and his empty political activism.

The North American election that is approaching is a juncture to delimit Mexico's autonomy to adequate US assistance. If the relationship between Mexico and North America is not optimized, the result will be terrible for both.

Even when imperialism's approach seems simple or childish, it is a blunt fact of international relations. And as it seems supine to deny the existence of the Anvil, this truth of Perogrullo must be seriously analyzed.

American geopolitics has a deep need for control and Mexico cannot escape it. Washington controls the country outside and inside. Little can be expected of national governments whether left or right. The politicians, businessmen and the people know that, in large part, they decide to emigrate to the country of the stars and stripes.

Nationalism in the Mexican political class is impeded by imperialism and transfuguism dictated by economic interests. Where is the secret to govern Mexico? In the proper relationship with the United States, in the perception that American society is made about our country. Most of the presidents subordinated themselves to Yankee imperialism, but there were others who rescued autonomy by making the empire see that the backyard is also part of the house.

It is true that looking towards Europe would bring positive elements for our country, hopefully Mexico could look like Canada; But, France is in France and the United States is still one of the main global powers. Newdealism is about turning Mexico into a migratory checkpoint, and General Lázaro Cárdenas found there an opportunity gap to increase the academic, religious, cultural, social, economic and even racial wealth of the country. If the president of Mexico has recognized the importance of economic remittances from Mexicans abroad, he must reconstruct the 3 x 1 policy and stimulate greater links between the southern United States and northern Mexico. Our country has been saved by emigration and we have an obligation to save migrants.

Daniel Cosío Villegas pointed out for many years that we need to know the United States more and better. The ideological theater must be overcome by political realism and the awareness of the neighborhood that geography imposed on us.