Fractured Populism
By Diego Martín Velázquez Caballero
The concession to the Mexican extreme right to be in charge of the Board of Directors in the Legislative Power, is one of the facts that adds to the serious contradictions that 4T has at national, state and local level. Even when it is affirmed that we are facing the construction of a new regime, the truth is that it is about renewing the old government of the institutionalized revolution. The change without breaking Manuel Camacho Solís.
The party system in Mexico was shattered by transfuguism, neoliberal corruption and ungovernability. Most of the political institutes were left speechless and with a dormant dormant force in the face of the overwhelming magnitude of the electoral trend that National Regeneration obtained. Despite the millions of votes that PAN and PRI achieved, said electorate has not been mobilized or activated by the antílopez.
Morena is not in better conditions, more than a perredización, the political institute is a victim of the styles and invoices that the different alliances implied. Hence, when factionalism is demonstrated because pure radicals or morenists demand quotas of power and coherence of government style, the charismatic leader imposes his verdicts to maintain a balance that is increasingly unstable.
Andrés Manuel has declared that he will renounce Morena if she is perverted, that is, like Benito Mussolini, renounce Fascism and choose Italy if circumstances demand it. Therefore, Mussolini is considered a failed fascism, a frustrated leader; despite the authoritarianism of the Duce, his project was an operetta because it was not structured or organized despite the strength and legitimacy it had achieved. This fault is used as a subterfuge of rights to distinguish between fascism and Nazism, although, in general, conservative rights lack real progressive projects and platforms.
To relieve Mexican liberals and anti-communists, this fact demonstrates that 4T is not meant to be a Bolivarian or Castro revolution. The disenchantment of a revolutionary, progressive and liberal left is already becoming more and more evident. Andrés Manuel is unlikely to end up as Benito Mussolini; But, it is certain that, if there is no project or perspective, José López Portillo's tears become plausible, as well as the economic and social disaster that no nationalist discourse alleviates.
Andrés Manuel intends to institutionalize the National Regeneration Movement as Manuel Ávila Camacho institutionalized the government of the Mexican revolution, giving rise to divergent political factions that assimilate the moderation and pragmatism that the Hegemonic Party meant. Just as AMLO intervened so that the extreme right had an important lecture to contradict and even subvert the 4T nation project, Manuel Ávila Camacho admitted sinarquistas and cristeros in the PRI, a party that was even infiltrated by the Tecos and Yunques before bread. Thus, the PRI became the Sun Party with its right hand and its sinister which alternated according to a high-political pact with North America and the Holy See.
It is not surprising that Morena as before the PAN and, much earlier, the PRI; submitted to the decisions of the Executive. The perfect square binomial Official Party-Government, as well as the caciquismo, is immeasurable in our political culture. A nationalist government is prohibited by imperialist hegemony, but society is hardly going to support the permanence of the informal narcocorporativist regime led by poor pathologists and pseudoneoliberals.
If 4Q is heading towards a failed populism, it will be necessary to understand catpardism as a permanent and disenchanting variable of the failed Mexican democracy. The extreme right has made significant progress despite being "morally defeated," as has happened with factions and groups antagonistic to the MORENA project. The technocratic circles consider that if AMLO is recycling, it implies that it has awakened to the tasks of governance. The progressive groups begin to notice, instead, that AMLO, like Mussolini and José López Portillo, is going to spread many of the proposals and policies that are indispensable, will not risk taking the necessary steps and measures to defend the sovereignty of Mexico .
The arrival of the extreme right to the spaces of Morena, are not pacts of governance but dangerous contubernios of which few figures left clean. For some, politics is that, getting your hands dirty for others. Is it worth it for the historical significance of 4Q? In the federal, state and municipal administration, the concessions made to Catholic nationalism are the constant. Chambismo think some, infiltration say others; leadership, they think. AMLO cannot do what Calles and Cárdenas in three years and, to these, the US and the Holy See ended up canceling them.
Revolutionary conservatism is an illusion, the journey of a regime transformation implies breaking with the inertia of the Mexican political system.
Little by little, we begin to feel that failed democracy is the process of political modernization in our country. If the President's appendix is not Morena, anyone else can serve, RSP, Servant of the Nation, Green Party or even Future 21.
Canovism is the art of governing Mexico. But the ghost of José López Portillo, the Mexican Quetzalcoatl, is increasingly present. It should not be forgotten that the right and the banking system, like the pillos of the story about the naked King, were the ones who drove one of the most educated presidents in the country crazy. To ignore the Sirens, resist the oligarchies and raise real scenarios against the United States, are essential elements to break the authoritarian democracy of our society.
A failed democracy lacks governability and the model of failed populism although it reassures the Holy Mexican Civil Society and the liberal proyanquis, every day generates a disorder that someone must pay: the development of Mexico, the middle class and the South of the United States .
We'll see where the Mexican Mussolini ends.